Formal Approaches to Semantic Microvariation: Adverbial ...

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(Obenauer (1983: 78, his (42)) QAD sentences with PPs forcing a single-event reading are ungrammatical. (23) a. *Dans In cette this cassette, casette, il a beaucoup trouvé de pièces d’or he has a lot found of pieces of gold b. *En soulevant le couvercle, il a beaucoup trouvé de pièces d’or In lifting the lid, he has a lot found of pieces of gold (Obenauer (1983: 78, his (43)) Note that QAD sentences with PPs suggesting a context where there are many events are fine. This suggests that QAD is semantically not, in fact, quantification over the direct object, but rather some sort of quantification over events. (24) a. Dans cette caverne, il a beaucoup trouvé de pièces d’or In this caverne, he has a lot found of pieces of gold ‘In this caverne, he found a lot of gold pieces’ b. En cherchant partout, il a beaucoup trouvé de pièces d’or In searching everywhere, he has a lot found of pieces of gold ‘Searching everywhere, he found a lot of gold pieces’ (Obenauer (1983: 78, his (45)) A second way of testing whether or not a dialect has a multiplicity of events requirement is to construct a QAD sentence with a punctual predicate like venir de ‘to just V’. Obenauer (1983) shows that while canonical quantification sentences with venir de are fine (25), QAD sentences with this predicate are bad (26). (25) a. Il vient de boire beaucoup de lait He came to drink a lot of milk ‘He has just drunk a lot of milk’ 28
. Elle vient d’avoir beaucoup d’ennuis She came to have a lot of troubles ‘She has just acquired a lot of troubles’ (26) a. *Il vient de beaucoup boire de lait He came to a lot drink of milk b. *Elle vient de beaucoup avoir d’ennuis She came to a lot have of troubles Again, these data suggests that QAD is quantification over an event variable: if the events involved in the context in which the sentence is uttered are not many, the sentence is bad. A third way of seeing that QAD is adverbial quantification as opposed to quantification over the direct object is presented by Burnett & Bouchard (2008). By constructing sentences with a collective predicate like réunir ‘to bring together’, a verb that requires multiple participants in order to form a single event, we can disrupt the usual one-to-one relation between events and objects. We can observe that Canonical Quantification sentences and QAD sentences have different preferred readings. (27) J’ai réuni beaucoup de personnes I have brought together a lot of people ‘I brought together many people’ In the canonical quantification sentence (27), the most salient reading is one in which there are many people involved in a single event. However, this is not the case with the corresponding QAD sentence. (28) J’ai beaucoup réuni de personnes I have a lot reunited of people 29
Page 1 and 2: UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
Page 3 and 4: 3.3.1 Split DPs in Old French . . .
Page 5 and 6: CHAPTER 1 Introduction This thesis
Page 7 and 8: concrete example of the contributio
Page 9 and 10: The thesis is organized as follows:
Page 11 and 12: As pointed out by Keenan & Westerst
Page 13 and 14: following definitions for beaucoup
Page 15 and 16: ‘I slept a lot’ b. Je suis beau
Page 17 and 18: (21) Let s 1 ∈ N such that 0 < s
Page 19 and 20: involves unreducible binary quantif
Page 21 and 22: dently, are islands for movement. A
Page 23 and 24: a. ...parce qu’une longue bibliog
Page 25 and 26: f. Elle a tellement applaudi que..
Page 27: 2.1.2.3 Multiplicity of Events Anot
Page 31 and 32: ‘Jean has owned a lot of horses
Page 33 and 34: sis [i.e. movement analysis-H.B], s
Page 35 and 36: object. Other more complicated move
Page 37 and 38: Only the (internal) arguments of V
Page 39 and 40: Semantic incorporation has been pro
Page 41 and 42: Based on a study of the scope prope
Page 43 and 44: QAD sentences with multiple events
Page 45 and 46: . Quatre mille navires sont passés
Page 47 and 48: She proposes that nouns contain two
Page 49 and 50: (Doetjes (1997: 271, her (40)) Seco
Page 51 and 52: As shown below, like souvent, rarem
Page 53 and 54: (79) a. J’ai rarement apprécié
Page 55 and 56: 2.2.1 The Unreducibility of BCP SF
Page 57 and 58: (where s = 1 or t = 1, and s or t =
Page 59 and 60: phrases in object position are comb
Page 61 and 62: . *J’ai beaucoup écrit ma thèse
Page 63 and 64: As mentioned above, a major problem
Page 65 and 66: She attributes this exceptional vio
Page 67 and 68: (106) Different students answered d
Page 69 and 70: (2) a. Dans cette cassette, il a be
Page 71 and 72: (10) J’ai beaucoup appelé de mè
Page 73 and 74: (16) Theorem 2: For all s ∈ N, BC
Page 75 and 76: BCP 1 s ({x : ∃e(Reading(e,I,x) &
Page 77 and 78: c. *Marie beaucoup a lu de livres M
Page 79 and 80:
. la perte doit moult desplaire the
Page 81 and 82:
(28) Peu portent fruit et assez fue
Page 83 and 84:
‘There are a lot of countries in
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The second argument that Split [+Te
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3.3.3 Summary In the study of the e
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(40) J’ai beaucoup mangé de pomm
Page 91 and 92:
(45) a. il confessa qu’il avoit b
Page 93 and 94:
(1) pas ‘not’, point ‘not’,
Page 95 and 96:
in this way to account for another
Page 97 and 98:
(10) is entirely true for Québec F
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avoid confusion, I therefore re-nam
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quantifiers Q ′ leads to the cons
Page 103 and 104:
and cannot combine with a one-place
Page 105 and 106:
As first noticed by Obenauer (1976)
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4) The frequency adverb souvent ‘
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Nevertheless, Rizzi and Obenauer’
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forward: The polyadic elements comb
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quantifiers in Québec French, I st
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(Doetjes (2007)). (52) L’été pa
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I proposed that the elements that l
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, Marianne. 1987.
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Doetjes, Jenny. 1997. Quantifiers a
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Labelle, Marie and Daniel Valois. 2
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Rowlett, Paul. 1996. Negative Confi
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