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Formal Approaches to Semantic Microvariation: Adverbial ...

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a. ...parce qu’une longue bibliographie donne l’air intelligent<br />

...because a long bibliography gives the air intelligent<br />

‘...because a long bibliography makes one look smart’<br />

b. *...notamment, Kayne (1975), Milner (1978), Rizzi (1990), et de Swart<br />

...notably Kayne (1975), Milner (1978), Rizzi (1990), and de Swart<br />

(1991)<br />

(1991)<br />

*‘...notably Kayne (1975), Milner (1978), Rizzi (1990), and de Swart<br />

(1991)’<br />

Boivin (1999) argues that the scopal inertia of the de phrases is due <strong>to</strong> the fact that,<br />

since de is a ‘deficient’ determiner with respect <strong>to</strong> case, the quantifier beaucoup must<br />

move in<strong>to</strong> a functional projection above the VP <strong>to</strong> check its case. Since the de phrases<br />

themselves cannot move <strong>to</strong> this higher case position, they cannot get out of the VP, so<br />

they cannot take scope over anything.<br />

2.1.2 <strong>Adverbial</strong> Analyses<br />

Although the facts presented above suggest that notions like locality play a role in<br />

QAD, as we will see in the next section, there are many arguments in the literature<br />

against a movement analysis of QAD. I review these arguments and conclude that, not<br />

only is beaucoup base-generated as a VP adverb in this construction, the quantification<br />

in Standard French QAD is really a form of eventive quantification.<br />

2.1.2.1 The Class of QAD Quantifiers<br />

The first argument against a movement analysis is given by Kayne (1975). As Kayne<br />

points out the following generalization about the class of QAD quantifiers.<br />

(13) The adnominal quantifiers that participate in the QAD construction are exactly<br />

23

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