Formal Approaches to Semantic Microvariation: Adverbial ...
Formal Approaches to Semantic Microvariation: Adverbial ...
Formal Approaches to Semantic Microvariation: Adverbial ...
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(81) Let s,t ∈ N such that 0 < s,t s e &<br />
| {x : Reading (e,I,x) & Book(x) |> t x<br />
J’ai beaucoup lu de livres is true just in case there were many events of me bookreading,<br />
and I read many books. Thus, I accurately account for both the multiplicity<br />
of events requirement and the multiplicity of objects requirement, since these requirements<br />
are straightforwardly built in<strong>to</strong> the meaning of the quantifier.<br />
Besides the fact that it gets the interpretations of QAD sentences right, the main argument<br />
for a binary quantification approach <strong>to</strong> QAD is the following fact about BCP SF .<br />
(83) BCP SF is unreducible <strong>to</strong> any iteration of unary quantifiers.<br />
In other words, as I will show in the next section, a binary approach <strong>to</strong> the analysis<br />
of QAD sentences in Standard French is necessary <strong>to</strong> get the truth conditions of QAD<br />
sentences right. 5<br />
5 Dekydspotter, Sprouse & Thyre (2001) assume a binary quantification for QAD; however, they take<br />
it for granted that QAD constructions have the semantics of Krifka’s Event-Related readings, and follow<br />
Doetjes & Honcoop (1997) in claiming that ER readings are derived by quantification over pairs. The assumption that QAD is somehow related ER readings is extremely problematic:<br />
QAD simply does not have the properties of ER. For example, as shown above, QAD is possible when<br />
ER readings of sentences are not (like in J’ai beaucoup appelé de mères), and ER readings do not have<br />
a multiplicity of objects requirement. It is furthermore difficult <strong>to</strong> evaluate their proposal since they<br />
give no semantic definitions for any of their quantifiers, and, in the structures they propose for QAD<br />
54