stonehenge - English Heritage
stonehenge - English Heritage
stonehenge - English Heritage
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047-120 section 2.qxd 6/21/05 4:20 PM Page 99<br />
and geochemical surveys to create detailed plots of<br />
anomalies to set alongside the aerial photographic evidence,<br />
and broad use-pattern fingerprints to set alongside the<br />
evidence of artefact scatters. In some cases the importance<br />
of such work revolves around the definition of incompletely<br />
known structures and monuments, for example the<br />
Stonehenge Palisade Ditch, and here blanket rather than<br />
selective geophysical studies are needed.<br />
Combining data sets derived from a range of techniques,<br />
based as they are on different sample intervals and with<br />
markedly different constraints, will be a challenge for future<br />
data capture, storage, analysis, and visualization systems.<br />
Ceremony, ritual, and belief systems: In one sense this is<br />
the most extensive and robust element of the database<br />
relating to the Stonehenge Landscape. The density of<br />
prehistoric ceremonial and ritual monuments in this small<br />
area is probably greater than for any other part of the<br />
British Isles. However, the proportion of sites that have<br />
been excavated to modern standards with opportunities for<br />
scientific studies that allow detailed insights into the date<br />
and sequence of events, spatial variations in the nature and<br />
extent of activities, and sampling for macroscopic and<br />
microscopic environmental data is very low. While much has<br />
been made of the results of antiquarian excavations, and<br />
there is undoubtedly more to be learnt, new excavations at<br />
typical sites within the Stonehenge Landscape are needed.<br />
Social organization: Many papers and studies dealing with<br />
prehistoric social organization and socio-cultural evolution<br />
have used the Stonehenge area as a case study (e.g. Renfrew<br />
1973a; Thomas 1999, 163–83), yet critical elements of the<br />
picture are missing. This is most acute in relation to habitation<br />
sites. It remains an outstanding issue as to whether people<br />
lived in the Stonehenge area at all; a secondary issue being<br />
whether such occupation may have been temporary, seasonal,<br />
or more or less permanent. And beyond this there is the<br />
question of settlement size and composition. Only in this way<br />
will it be possible fully to address issues such as the scale and<br />
organization of social units.<br />
Economy, craft, and industry: Although the Stonehenge<br />
Landscape is famed for its ritual and ceremonial monuments,<br />
recent surveys and the results of excavations over the last<br />
century or so show plentiful evidence for what is conventionally<br />
referred to as industrial activity, especially flintworking. In fact<br />
of course, the association of this work with ceremonial activity<br />
may not be fortuitous and the question of embeddedness<br />
between apparently diverse activities deserves further<br />
attention. Small-scale flintworking is represented at a<br />
surprising number of sites, throughout the fourth, third, and<br />
second millennia BC, amongst them: in the ditch of the<br />
Amesbury 42 long barrow, including refitting material (Harding<br />
in Richards 1990, 99–104); and in Christie’s cutting V through<br />
the ditch of the Cursus (Saville 1978, 17). Larger-scale activity is<br />
represented by the working areas recognized at Wilsford Down<br />
(Richards 1990, 158–71) and the mines north of Durrington<br />
(Booth and Stone 1952). Geophysical surveys in both areas are<br />
needed to define more closely the extent of these activities,<br />
especially the presence of quarries and extraction pits.<br />
Technical and comparative studies of in situ flintworking<br />
assemblages have been undertaken by Saville (1978) and<br />
Harding (in Richards 1990, 213–25), while specific classes of<br />
flint artefact from sites in the Stonehenge Landscape include<br />
Riley’s review of scrapers and petit tranchet derivative<br />
arrowheads (in Richards 1990, 225–8). Saville’s (1978, 19)<br />
comments on the use of flint derived from the clay with flint<br />
deposits at the Winterbourne Stoke G45 barrow as against<br />
the more commonly exploited chalk-derived nodules serves<br />
to emphasize the need for further technological and<br />
typological analyses (and cf. Piggott 1971, 52–3).<br />
Trade and exchange: Discussions of this theme have been<br />
dominated by the matter of the Stonehenge bluestones, their<br />
origins, and the means by which they came to Salisbury Plain<br />
(Green 1997; Scourse 1997; Williams-Thorpe et al. 1997).<br />
Although the glacial-action theory has attracted supporters<br />
over the years, human agency is generally considered the<br />
most likely means of transport. As suggested below, however,<br />
the further investigation of this topic requires work around the<br />
source areas in southwest Wales as well as on Salisbury Plain.<br />
The incidence of bluestone in other monuments around<br />
Stonehenge is often commented upon in excavation reports<br />
and remains intriguing. In some cases the material is assumed<br />
to be waste from dressing the pillars of the bluestone circles<br />
and horseshoe erected in Stonehenge Phase 3. In other cases,<br />
as for example the block from Bowls Barrow (Cunnington<br />
1889), the stone seems to be an original piece rather than<br />
waste. It has long been postulated that another bluestone<br />
monument existed in the area, perhaps near to where the<br />
Stonehenge Cursus enters Fargo Plantation, but this is as yet<br />
not proven. A quantification and mapping exercise to plot the<br />
density and spread of bluestone fragments within monuments<br />
around Stonehenge, building on the work already done (e.g.<br />
Thorpe et al. 1991, figure 4 and table 2), may be enough to<br />
highlight search areas to help pinpoint such a structure.<br />
The bluestones and other structural components for<br />
monument building were by no means the only items being<br />
moved around in the Stonehenge Landscape or brought in<br />
from other areas of Europe. In the early and middle<br />
Neolithic exotic items such as the jadite axe from near<br />
Stonehenge and the stone axes from western and northern<br />
Britain travelled hundreds of kilometres from their source.<br />
Together with several axes imported from Cornwall, mention<br />
may also be made of the gabbroic pottery identified by<br />
Peacock (1969) from Robin Hood’s Ball on the very eastern<br />
edge of the distribution of such ware. Despite the potential<br />
for petrological work on the pottery from other Neolithic and<br />
Bronze Age sites in the Stonehenge Landscape, using both<br />
macroscopic and microscopic analysis, very little seems to<br />
have been done to date (cf. Cleal 1995).<br />
During the later third millennium and early second<br />
millennium BC the range of imports to the area increased<br />
with the availability of new stone sources, metal objects,<br />
and imported pottery. Amongst the stone artefacts known<br />
to date, some of the finest include the Group XIII (spotted<br />
dolerite) axe hammer from Wilsford G54 (Annable and<br />
Simpson 1964, 43), and the battle axe from Shrewton<br />
barrow G27 (Annable and Simpson 1964, 49). The origin of<br />
possibly imported metal objects, shale, amber, and faience<br />
beads from Wessex Culture contexts have been extensively<br />
discussed (Branigan 1970; Newton and Renfrew 1970;<br />
McKerell 1972; Watkins 1976; Barfield 1991; Needham 2000;<br />
Illustration 79). Bradley and Chapman (1986) have<br />
considered the general nature and development of longdistance<br />
relations in the later Neolithic of the British Isles.<br />
The continuation of long-distance relationships into the<br />
later Iron Age may be suspected on the basis of coin finds<br />
which form part of a widespread pattern across southern<br />
England (De Jersey 1999).<br />
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