stonehenge - English Heritage
stonehenge - English Heritage
stonehenge - English Heritage
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047-120 section 2.qxd 6/21/05 4:19 PM Page 80<br />
Illustration 57<br />
Postholes possibly forming<br />
a gallows at Stonehenge.<br />
A: Stonehenge with the<br />
area of the detailed plan<br />
(B) indicated. C: Section<br />
through the grave and<br />
stonehole Y9. [After Pitts et<br />
al. 2002, figure 2.]<br />
Evidence of execution may also be provided by the cleft<br />
skull of one of the intrusive burials in the Wilsford G3 long<br />
barrow near the Wilsford–Charlton parish boundary<br />
(Cunnington 1914, 403). Bonney (1966) has noted the<br />
prevalence of pagan Saxon burials near parish boundaries<br />
which he takes as evidence for both the pre-parish system<br />
origins of the boundaries themselves and the peripheral<br />
location of burials relative to the main settlement areas. This<br />
arrangement does, however, deserve further exploration as<br />
the location of settlements remains largely unknown.<br />
At a larger scale, the administrative units that would later<br />
become known as hundreds (see below) are believed to have<br />
been established in the seventh century (Yorke 1995, 89–90),<br />
perhaps reflecting a post-Roman tribal landscape of so-called<br />
‘micro-kingdoms’ (Reynolds and Semple in Pitts et al. 2002,<br />
143). By the ninth century, the Stonehenge Landscape is<br />
comfortably within the still-larger early medieval Kingdom of<br />
Wessex (Illustration 58). Documentary evidence for this period<br />
is rather better than it is in surrounding areas, mainly because<br />
of the ecclesiastical and royal associations with Amesbury.<br />
The town of Amesbury has been subject to several<br />
historical investigations which together provide a fairly<br />
detailed understanding, although tentative, of its early<br />
development (Hinton 1975; Haslam 1984; Chandler and<br />
Goodhugh 1989; Illustration 59). There are references<br />
relating to Amesbury in Saxon charters, the Will of King<br />
Alfred (d.899) bequeathing (aet) Ambresbyrig to his<br />
younger son Aethelweard, and lands left in King Eadred’s<br />
(d.955) will to his mother Eadgifu (Finberg 1964). It has<br />
been suggested that the place-name aet Ambresbyrig<br />
probably indicates its early existence as a burh or<br />
fortification belonging to Ambre (Gover et al. 1939, 358).<br />
Indeed, the place-name Ambre may have pre-Saxon origins<br />
and perhaps represents the name of the semi-mythical<br />
Ambrosius about whom legends were well established by<br />
the eighth century (Gover et al. 1939, 358; Morris 1973,<br />
100). If so, it may support the notion that Ambrosius<br />
Aurelianus established a garrison in response to the<br />
resistance against the Saxon invaders during the third<br />
quarter of the fifth century (Bond 1991, 385). Alternatively,<br />
the personal element could represent Ambri, who is<br />
mentioned in Geoffrey of Monmouth’s legend of Stonehenge<br />
and ‘of the hill of Ambrius’ although Geoffrey does not<br />
specify where this was (Chandler and Goodhugh 1989, 5).<br />
If the origins of Amesbury are obscure, so too is much of<br />
its early development. If it was the centre of a royal estate,<br />
as has been suggested (Haslam 1976, 5), then it is likely to<br />
have been a settlement for the estate staff. Such a<br />
settlement might have consisted of a minster, a<br />
headquarters for the priests working throughout the estate,<br />
a mother church for all Christian worship, and various staff<br />
premises: the beginnings of a small town (Hinton 1975,<br />
27–8). The king held assemblies at Amesbury in AD 932 and<br />
AD 995 (Bond 1991, 386) and in AD 979 a new abbey was<br />
founded by Queen Aelfthryth, one of only two churches<br />
dedicated to St Melor in the country (Haslam 1984, 130–1).<br />
In AD 1177 the church was refounded in its present location<br />
as a priory under the Order of Fontevrault, suggesting that<br />
an earlier church of the order had existed prior to the tenth<br />
century. Some evidence for the earlier church has come to<br />
light in the form of pieces from two Saxon crosses that came<br />
to light during restoration works in 1907 (Ball 1979). One of<br />
the crosses takes the form of a simple plain equal-armed<br />
cross with chamfered edges and a central recessed disc<br />
containing a concentric ring of small bosses. It probably<br />
dates to the late eleventh or early twelfth century. The<br />
second cross is more ornate and is represented by two<br />
joining fragments from a wheelhead cross of the tenth or<br />
eleventh century, made of sandstone. The design includes<br />
two concentric wheels with a continuous interlacing design<br />
on the faces and edges. The location of this putative early<br />
settlement is, however, wholly conjectural, the best<br />
estimate being that it lies somewhere near the ‘ancient’<br />
river crossing at Queensberry Bridge near Vespasian’s Camp<br />
and perhaps extending along the present High Street<br />
(Chandler and Goodhugh 1987, 7). Given the ecclesiastical<br />
importance of Amesbury a royal palace might also be<br />
expected, but none has yet been found.<br />
The Domesday survey records that Amesbury was held by<br />
the King in 1066 and had never paid geld nor had they been<br />
assessed in hides, the usual form of taxation. Instead, tax had<br />
been paid in kind, probably the earliest form of formalized<br />
taxation known in England and generally dating at least as far<br />
back as the seventh century (Chandler and Goodhugh 1989,<br />
6). By the eleventh century, Amesbury was the focal point for a<br />
hundred, which was accredited with substantial areas of<br />
woodland. It has been proposed that the original estate could<br />
have incorporated the whole of the Hundred of Amesbury<br />
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