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<strong>FOI</strong>-R--<strong>3990</strong>--<strong>SE</strong><br />

6 Conclusions and Implications for<br />

Further Research<br />

Dr Mike Winnerstig, <strong>FOI</strong><br />

6.1 General Conclusions<br />

The empirical chapters on Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in this report are, as was<br />

noted above, “written from within”, i. e. written by analysts in the Baltic states.<br />

This means that the views presented should be considered as “first cuts”, and that<br />

other studies on these topics can be made from other perspectives.<br />

That said, however, a number of general conclusions can be drawn from this<br />

comprehensive overview of the issue of Russian soft power and non-military<br />

influence in the Baltic states. First and foremost, Russian actors – normally<br />

financed or directly governed by the Russian federation itself – are engaged in<br />

the implementation of a strategy of soft power, in the Russian sense, in all the<br />

three Baltic states, wielding non-military power and influence in a number of<br />

areas. Primarily, this relates to the so-called Compatriots Policy, which entails<br />

supporting all Russian-speaking people outside Russia proper. The emphasis here<br />

is on language rather than ethnicity.<br />

Second, all three Baltic states see themselves as the target of strategies devised<br />

by ideologues such as Alexander Dugin and theorists such as Sergei Karaganov,<br />

and implemented by activists such as Modest Kolerov and establishment figures<br />

such as Konstantin Kosachev – with the full backing of the Kremlin. These<br />

strategies apparently aim not only to promote the Russian-speaking minorities in<br />

the Baltic states but also to undermine the Baltic states as political entities, as<br />

well as the self-confidence of their non-Russian populations and confidence in<br />

the ability of the EU and NATO to assist the Baltic states in the event of an<br />

external crisis.<br />

Third, Russia’s strategy involves substantial interference in the domestic political<br />

systems of the Baltic states. The linkages between the United Russia party in<br />

Russia, on the one hand, and the Estonian Centre Party, the Latvian Harmony<br />

Centre and the Lithuanian Electoral Action for Poles in Lithuania, on the other,<br />

are just one sign of this. Non-transparent forms of Russian economic support for<br />

these Baltic political parties is another.<br />

Fourth, all the Baltic states have been the target of Russian accusations regarding<br />

their allegedly “fascist” past and their alleged current attachment to “fascism”.<br />

These accusations form a broad base from which Russian or Russia-related<br />

actors in the Baltic states seem to work to undermine the political credibility of<br />

142

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