FOI-R--3990--SE_reducerad
FOI-R--3990--SE_reducerad
FOI-R--3990--SE_reducerad
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<strong>FOI</strong>-R--<strong>3990</strong>--<strong>SE</strong><br />
6 Conclusions and Implications for<br />
Further Research<br />
Dr Mike Winnerstig, <strong>FOI</strong><br />
6.1 General Conclusions<br />
The empirical chapters on Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in this report are, as was<br />
noted above, “written from within”, i. e. written by analysts in the Baltic states.<br />
This means that the views presented should be considered as “first cuts”, and that<br />
other studies on these topics can be made from other perspectives.<br />
That said, however, a number of general conclusions can be drawn from this<br />
comprehensive overview of the issue of Russian soft power and non-military<br />
influence in the Baltic states. First and foremost, Russian actors – normally<br />
financed or directly governed by the Russian federation itself – are engaged in<br />
the implementation of a strategy of soft power, in the Russian sense, in all the<br />
three Baltic states, wielding non-military power and influence in a number of<br />
areas. Primarily, this relates to the so-called Compatriots Policy, which entails<br />
supporting all Russian-speaking people outside Russia proper. The emphasis here<br />
is on language rather than ethnicity.<br />
Second, all three Baltic states see themselves as the target of strategies devised<br />
by ideologues such as Alexander Dugin and theorists such as Sergei Karaganov,<br />
and implemented by activists such as Modest Kolerov and establishment figures<br />
such as Konstantin Kosachev – with the full backing of the Kremlin. These<br />
strategies apparently aim not only to promote the Russian-speaking minorities in<br />
the Baltic states but also to undermine the Baltic states as political entities, as<br />
well as the self-confidence of their non-Russian populations and confidence in<br />
the ability of the EU and NATO to assist the Baltic states in the event of an<br />
external crisis.<br />
Third, Russia’s strategy involves substantial interference in the domestic political<br />
systems of the Baltic states. The linkages between the United Russia party in<br />
Russia, on the one hand, and the Estonian Centre Party, the Latvian Harmony<br />
Centre and the Lithuanian Electoral Action for Poles in Lithuania, on the other,<br />
are just one sign of this. Non-transparent forms of Russian economic support for<br />
these Baltic political parties is another.<br />
Fourth, all the Baltic states have been the target of Russian accusations regarding<br />
their allegedly “fascist” past and their alleged current attachment to “fascism”.<br />
These accusations form a broad base from which Russian or Russia-related<br />
actors in the Baltic states seem to work to undermine the political credibility of<br />
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