FOI-R--3990--SE_reducerad

FOI-R--3990--SE
position conclude that any military threat is quite remote, particularly given the
fact that post-Crimea developments have included a substantial response in terms
of military and political solidarity between the Baltic states and their NATO
allies, in particular the United States.
However, some new means of power and influence are inherently difficult to
counter by traditional military measures. When it comes to soft power, in all its
forms, society is affected in a very different way than it would be by a military
attack. A soft power offensive might on the face of it be basically positive, for
example, if a nation’s government wanted to promote knowledge and
understanding of its own cultural heritage in another country, but it can also be
devastating if it is directed at undermining the cohesion and self-confidence of
another state. Military defence forces can do very little against such attacks.
Hence, the goal of this report is to analyse the forms, extent and – to a degree –
effectiveness of Russian soft power and non-military influence in the Baltic
states. The time span is essentially the last five years, ending in late 2013. It asks
a number of questions:
1) What form does Russian soft power take in the Baltic states
2) Which organizations or actors play roles in the promotion of Russia’s
soft power
3) Do some domestic actors, such as political parties, have connections
with Russia, and what roles do they play
4) What is the role of the media as a conveyor of soft power
5) To what extent are cultural factors important to Russia’s ability to wield
non-military influence in the Baltic states
6) Have Russian economic or business instruments become means of
wielding soft power
7) What role does the energy sector play in Russian soft power in the
context of the Baltic states
The concept of Russian soft power is not confined to the Baltic states. In chapter
2, Dr Gudrun Persson examines the concept as a whole. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 are
written by Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian analysts, respectively, and deal with
the implementation or execution of Russian soft power and non-military
influence in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Although these chapters are
essentially written “from within”, they are written in a traditional scholarly
fashion, with extensive footnotes making it possible for the reader to assess the
report’s sources.
The last chapter compares and analyses the empirical chapters in order draw
conclusions and to suggest implications for future research.
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