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t Returning from the field, Kiribati. ©UNFPA/Ariela Zibiah between marriage and childbearing differs depending on the setting or country, and the causal relationship between adolescent pregnancies and early school dropout can be difficult to disentangle. Research using the United States National Longitudinal Survey of Youth found that early sexual intercourse had detrimental effects on girls’ performance in school and educational attainment, even when socioeconomic background variables were controlled (Steward, Farkas and Bingenheimer, 2009). Another study in the United States confirms that motherhood during adolescence reduces a girl’s chances of obtaining a high school diploma by up to 10 per cent, reduces annual income as a young adult by $1,000 to $2,400, and decreases years of schooling (Fletcher and Wolfe, 2008). Adolescent pregnancy also obstructs girls’ educational achievement in developing countries. Lloyd and Mensch (2008) calculated the cumulative risks in five West African countries of girls’ dropping out of school before completing their secondary education. They estimate the cumulative risks of dropping out as a result of adolescent pregnancy (or marriage) to range between 20 per cent in Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea and Togo to nearly 40 per cent in Cameroon. One analysis of the impact of adolescent motherhood on high school attendance and completion in Chile finds that being a mother reduces girls’ likelihood of attending and completing high school by between 24 per cent and 37 per cent (Kruger et al., 2009). While some studies find that girls appear more vulnerable to leaving school once they become sexually mature and once they engage in premarital sex, others have concluded that girls are more likely to drop out for reasons other than pregnancy (Biddlecom et al., 2008). In some cases, pregnancy is more likely to be the consequence of early school exit. Evidence from South Africa for example, suggests that poor performance in school is associated with a heightened risk of pregnancy and then a higher risk of dropping out of school. This leads to long-term negative impacts on a woman’s education, skills, employment and income (Grant and Hallman, 2006). Impact on women’s labour force participation Access to reproductive health services, including family planning, also improves women’s opportunities to enter the labour force. First, access allows women to control the timing of births and thus expand their participation in labour markets. This is illustrated by the release of Enovid, the first birth control pill, in the United 74 CHAPTER 4: THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC IMPACT OF FAMILY PLANNING
Estimates of Total Fertility 2010-2015 median projection Region Total fertility (children per woman), 2010-2015 World 2.45 More developed regions 1.71 Less developed regions 2.57 Least developed countries 4.10 Less developed regions, excluding least developed countries 2.31 Less developed regions, excluding China 2.86 Africa 4.37 Eastern Africa 4.74 Middle Africa 5.16 Northern Africa 2.75 Southern Africa 2.46 Western Africa 5.22 Asia 2.18 Eastern Asia 1.56 South-Central Asia 2.56 Central Asia 2.46 Southern Asia 2.57 South-Eastern Asia 2.13 Western Asia 2.85 Europe 1.59 Eastern Europe 1.49 Northern Europe 1.86 Southern Europe 1.49 Western Europe 1.69 Latin America and the Caribbean 2.17 Caribbean 2.25 Central America 2.41 South America 2.06 Northern America 2.04 Oceania 2.45 United Nations data estimate that the total fertility rate has fallen below replacement level (2.1 children per woman) in more than 83 countries. Some governments in countries where each generation is now smaller than the one before it are concerned about having fewer workers to tax and greater numbers of elders to support. As greater numbers of individuals and families are able to exercise their right to family planning, national dialogue about family policy, including parental leave, support for care-giving services, and the elimination of discriminatory employment practices against people with young children may be productive. Any adjustments to public policy, however, should not dilute governments’ financial and political commitment to ensuring that women and men of all ages have reliable access to quality family planning information and services. In societies where total fertility has dipped to below replacement levels, individuals and families are not refraining from having children because they merely have access to family planning. Rather, they are achieving their desired small family sizes because they have the means of doing so. Access to family planning has increasingly empowered women in particular with the information and services to assert their rights and to carry out their fertility preferences. THE STATE OF WORLD POPULATION 2012 75
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14 November 2012 BY CHOICE, NOT BY
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state of world population 2012 BY C
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ut many others have to do with econ
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t Women who are able to plan their
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What are the social and economic be
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CHAPTER ONE The right to family pla
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to—the social, political and econ
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1994 At the International Conferenc
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Rights, 2012). The charges had been
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health care, which includes family
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designing and delivering accessible
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use, and reduces unintended pregnan
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For UNFPA, the key benefits to impl
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CHAPTER TWO Analysing data and tren
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through the wealthiest 20 per cent.
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pers, advertisements and by word of
Page 33 and 34: cohabitating partner (UNICEF, Offic
Page 35 and 36: methods are several times more effe
Page 37 and 38: Despite the tendency to consolidate
Page 39 and 40: CASE STUDY No-scalpel vasectomy in
Page 41 and 42: contribute to high unmet need (Sing
Page 43 and 44: abortions in the region lead to mor
Page 45 and 46: (as stated in the Convention on the
Page 47 and 48: arriers prevent individuals from ac
Page 49 and 50: CHAPTER THREE Challenges in extendi
Page 51 and 52: sources of sexual and reproductive
Page 53 and 54: messages were delivered via a numbe
Page 55 and 56: Ricardo, 2005). Moreover, young and
Page 57 and 58: information and services, including
Page 59 and 60: instances of early sexual initiatio
Page 61 and 62: ut conventional family planning mes
Page 63 and 64: Social Affairs, 2009). Data from 15
Page 65 and 66: Many institutions, providers, and c
Page 67 and 68: groups (Maya, Xinka, and Garifuna)
Page 69 and 70: who are living with HIV and are con
Page 71 and 72: Studies suggest that HIV may have a
Page 73 and 74: with a public health challenge (Wor
Page 75 and 76: State-run family planning programme
Page 77 and 78: people in mobile, temporary, and re
Page 79 and 80: systems and civic participation to
Page 81 and 82: CHAPTER FOUR The social and economi
Page 83: t Community education in Caracas, V
Page 87 and 88: children, and healthier women also
Page 89 and 90: empirical evidence supporting this
Page 91 and 92: y the 1990s was accompanied by incr
Page 93 and 94: gender equality is much stronger an
Page 95 and 96: substantially, created new opportun
Page 97 and 98: CHAPTER FIVE The costs and savings
Page 99 and 100: Europe; the highest is 64 per cent
Page 101 and 102: Extending access to meet the unmet
Page 103 and 104: “family planning” services ofte
Page 105 and 106: therapy as an inexpensive preventiv
Page 107 and 108: CHAPTER SIX Making the right to fam
Page 109 and 110: 1 Expand the reach of family planni
Page 111 and 112: ange of rights. Meeting those oblig
Page 113 and 114: including indigenous and ethnic min
Page 115 and 116: 4 Increase funding for family plann
Page 117 and 118: Monitoring Monitoring ICPD ICPD Goa
Page 123 and 124: Monitoring ICPD Goals Demographic -
Page 125 and 126: Monitoring ICPD Goals - Selected In
Page 127 and 128: Bibliography Abbasi-Shavazi, Mohamm
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Monitoring ICPD Goals - Selected In
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Monitoring ICPD Goals - Selected In
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Delivering a world where every preg
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