Tracking External Donor Funding.pdf - NDC

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The Subsector Breakdown of the PRDP (2008 – 2010) Infrastructure – Road Improvement, Road Safety, Air and Sea, Electricity Sector Investment, Water and Wastewater Management, Public Recreation and Culture Economy – Institutional Reform for Enterprise, Trade Infrastructure and Facilitation, Enterprise Investment and Development, Agribusiness Development, Industrial Capacity Development, Tourism Industry Development, Affordable Housing Social - Social Protection Reform and Integration (SPRI), Access To Education, Quality Education For All, Education Performance & Efficiency, Vocational Training Initiative, Health Quality Improvement, Health Care Affordability, Women’s Empowerment, Youth Empowerment, Employment Generation Initiative Governance – Justice Now, Open and Accountable Government, Efficient and Effective Government, Accountable Local Government Security –Reform and Transformation Source: MoP, 2007. PRDP (2008 – 2010) During the December 17 th , 2007 Paris Conference, “Building a Palestinian State: Towards Peace and Prosperity”, donors pledged over 7.7 billion USD to the three year plan. Table 10 shows the distribution of the pledges by donor country groupings. Table 10: Distribution of PRDP Pledges by <strong>Donor</strong> Country Groupings <strong>Donor</strong> Country Grouping Pledges (*) % of Total European (incl. EU) 4,093 53.1 North America 839 10.9 Arab Countries 1,524 19.8 Other Countries 411 5.3 Int’l Organizations 843 10.9 Total 7,710 100% Source: PA MoP, 2008 Note: (*) Amounts given in millions USD. Critics of the PRDP ‘The PA has formed twelve governments during the thirteen years of its existence. Each of these governments experienced instability in the political, economic, social, and security environment. This discontinuity of leadership and lack of stability left little space for effective Palestinian institutions to take root and mature’ (PRDP, 2008:31). According to some of the Plan’s architects, the PRDP is an agenda that guides the incoming government’s work. Individual ministers may reformat and restructure components of the plan, but they must remain within an overall framework. This has in many ways worked to reverse the crippling effects of political instability upon policy making. However, the plan is not without its critics. A number of people interviewed described the PRDP as a ‘donor-driven’ exercise, and apparently one aimed at furthering the elusive ‘donor agenda’, while clothed in the fashionable phrasing of ‘ownership’ 30 . According to the PINGO Network and other progressive organizations such as Stop the Wall, the PRDP the represents an implantation of the World Bank and G8's neo-liberal agenda into the WB&GS 31 . Critics claim that there is an overemphasis on the role of the private sector and security in bringing about development that blatantly ignores the political and economic constraints to such an approach. 30 For an extended critique of the PRDP, see Stop the Wall (2008) Development or Normalization 31 According to Adam Hanieh (2008), the PRDP may represent the 'harshest attack on any public sector in the Middle East in recent history, with the PA committed to cutting 21% of public sector jobs by 2010'. 24
One of the harshest criticisms of the PRDP is that it has yet to gain public endorsement due to the absence of the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) and the lack of stakeholder meetings preceding it– and is therefore democratically illegitimate. They argue that, although annual budgeting is one of the very limited set of powers granted to an emergency government according to the basic law, providing frameworks that will bind following governments is not. It was not only the PLC that was excluded from the planning process of the PRDP, according to a number of other critics. The wide variety of civil society actors and institutions also claim to have been left out of the process. Whether the new PRDP II (2011 – 2013) being developed by the 13 th Palestinian government will address any or all of these concerns and garner public support and engagement remains to be seen. It also remains to be seen whether the plan will provide more details about the Gaza Strip. As envisioned by the original PRDP planners, this plan is a continuation and refinement of the original, including much more detailed sector strategies. With much more time available to planners, there has also been a concerted effort to open up the process to a wider variety of stakeholders. 25
Page 1 and 2: Tracking External Donor Funding to
Page 3 and 4: Foreword Palestinian Non-Government
Page 5: Acknowledgements This publication a
Page 8 and 9: 3.10 The European Union Funding to
Page 10 and 11: Acronyms AFESD - Arab Fund for Econ
Page 12 and 13: Executive Summary Between 1999 and
Page 14 and 15: Due to the fact that the donors sam
Page 16 and 17: Year # of NGOs Returning data Table
Page 18 and 19: institutions, we looked to the annu
Page 20 and 21: Western support to the PNGO sector,
Page 22 and 23: Strip. In the West Bank, President
Page 24 and 25: Figure 3: Commitments versus Disbur
Page 26 and 27: Figure 6: Percentage of the Externa
Page 28 and 29: Table 6: Twenty Largest Donors to t
Page 30 and 31: 2.2.6.4 External Aid per capita in
Page 32 and 33: Table 9: Sector Working Groups and
Page 34 and 35: 2.3.4 The Question of Ownership in
Page 39 and 40: 3. Tracking of External Donor Fundi
Page 41 and 42: 3.1.2 External Aid to PNGOs as a Pe
Page 43 and 44: Figure 15: Number of Registered NGO
Page 45 and 46: Figure 17: Comparing the Percentage
Page 47 and 48: Governmental Donors As discussed in
Page 49 and 50: Table 14: Comparison of the Percent
Page 51 and 52: 3.6.4 Tracking External Aid to PNGO
Page 53 and 54: Enhancing Democracy Funding to Enha
Page 55 and 56: 3.6.4.5 External Funding to Social
Page 57 and 58: The following Figure 28 compares th
Page 59 and 60: As Figure 32 shows, donor governmen
Page 61 and 62: In the Central West Bank, Ramallah
Page 63 and 64: While the Figure 35 shows a relativ
Page 65 and 66: Figure 38: The Location of Internat
Page 67 and 68: 3.8.7 In Focus: PNGO Hierarchies Th
Page 69 and 70: The OPEC Fund for International Dev
Page 71 and 72: According to the survey, external f
Page 73: Figure 45: Palestinian Population D
Page 76 and 77: esearch could be fed back into the
Page 78 and 79: Challand, Benoit (2005). “Looking
Page 80 and 81: Ministry of Planning (2008). Aid Ef
Page 83: Appendices 71
Page 87 and 88:
I. Political Timeline 1991 1993 199
Page 89 and 90:
Nov - Annapolis peace conference De
Page 91 and 92:
Figure 1: Geography of West Bank an
Page 93 and 94:
International Non-Governmental Orga
Page 95 and 96:
Does international aid help to supp
Page 97 and 98:
Table 3: International Donor Worker
Page 99 and 100:
IV. Review of Welfare Study (1998)
Page 101 and 102:
c. The donor agenda does not necess
Page 103 and 104:
Even when donors were cooperative,
Page 105 and 106:
Governorate or 2008 1999 2000 2001
Page 107 and 108:
Q7 Q8 Q9 Q10 Q11 Q12 Q13 Q14 Q15 Wh
Page 109 and 110:
Q18 Percentage distribution of the
Page 111 and 112:
Externally Funded PNGO Activity by
Page 113 and 114:
International Governmental Aid to P
Page 115 and 116:
External Aid and PNGO Activity by T
Page 117 and 118:
International Nongovernmental Aid D
Page 119 and 120:
International Aid Distribution by G
Page 121 and 122:
International Governmental Aid Dist
Page 123 and 124:
Distribution of PNGOs Based on Geog
Page 125:
Distribution of PNGOs by Governorat
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