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Debt: The First 5000 Years - autonomous learning

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NOTES 445<br />

25. Martin Luther, Von Kaufshandlung<br />

und Wucher, 1524, cited in Nelson<br />

1949:50.<br />

26. In Luther's time the main issue was<br />

a practice called Zinskauf, technically rent<br />

on leased property, which was basically a<br />

disguised form of interest-bearing loan.<br />

27. In Baker 1974:53-54. <strong>The</strong> reference<br />

to Paul is in Romans 13:7.<br />

28. He argued that the fact that Deuteronomy<br />

allows usury under any circumstances<br />

demonstrates that this could not<br />

have been a universal "spiritual law," but<br />

was a political law created for the specific<br />

ancient Israeli situation, and therefore,<br />

that it could be considered irrelevant in<br />

different ones.<br />

29. And in fact, this is what "capital"<br />

originally meant. <strong>The</strong> term itself<br />

goes back to Latin capitale, which meant<br />

"funds, stock of merchandise, sum of<br />

money, or money carrying interest" (Braude!<br />

1992:232). It appears in English in the<br />

mid-sixteenth century largely as a term<br />

borrowed from Italian bookkeeping techniques<br />

(Cannan 1921, Richard 1926) for<br />

what remained when one squared property,<br />

credits, and debts; though until the<br />

nineteenth century, English sources generally<br />

preferred the word "stock"-in part,<br />

one suspects, because "capital" was so<br />

closely associated with usury.<br />

30. Nations that, after all, also practiced<br />

usury on one another: Nelson<br />

1949:76.<br />

31. Ben Nelson emphasized this in<br />

an important book, <strong>The</strong> Idea of Usury:<br />

From Tribal Brotherhood to Universal<br />

Otherhood.<br />

32. Midelfort 1996:39.<br />

33· Zmora 2006:8. Public financing<br />

at this period largely meant disguised<br />

interest-bearing loans from the minor nobility,<br />

who were also the stratum from<br />

which local administrators were drawn.<br />

34· On church lands: Dixon 2002:91.<br />

On Casimir's gambling debts: Janssen<br />

1910 IV:147· His overall debt rose to half<br />

a million guilders in 1528, and over three<br />

quarters of a million by 1541 (Zmora<br />

20o6:r3n55.)<br />

35· He was later accused of conspiring<br />

with Count Wilhelm von Henneburg, who<br />

had gone over to the rebels, to become<br />

secular Duke of the territories then held<br />

by the Bishop of Wurzburg.<br />

36. From "Report of the Margrave's<br />

Commander, Michel Gross from Trockau,"<br />

in Scott & Scribner 1991:301. <strong>The</strong><br />

sums are based on a promise of r florin<br />

per execution, \lz per mutilation. We do<br />

not know if Casimir ever paid this particular<br />

debt.<br />

37· For some relevant accounts of the<br />

revolt and repression: Seebohm 1877:141-<br />

45; Janssen 1910 IV:323-26; Blickle 1977;<br />

Endres 1979; Vice 1988; Robisheaux<br />

1989:48-67, Sea 2007. Casimir is said to<br />

have ultimately settled into exacting fines,<br />

eventually demanding some I04,ooo guldens<br />

in compensation from his subjects.<br />

38. Linebaugh (2oo8) makes a beautiful<br />

analysis of this sort of phenomenon<br />

in his essay on the social origins of the<br />

Magna Carta.<br />

39· It is telling that despite the endless<br />

reprisals against commoners, none of<br />

the German princes or nobility, even those<br />

who openly collaborated with the rebels,<br />

was held accountable in any way.<br />

40. Muldrew 1993a, 1993b, 1996, 1998,<br />

2oor; cf. Macintosh 1988; Zell 1996, Waswo<br />

2004, Ingram 2oo6, Valenze 2oo6,<br />

Kitch 2007. I find myself strongly agreeing<br />

with most of Muldrew's conclusions, only<br />

qualifying some: for instance, his rejection<br />

of MacPherson's possessive individualism<br />

argument (1962) strikes me as unnecessary,<br />

since I suspect that the latter does<br />

identify changes that are happening on a<br />

deeper structural level less accessible to<br />

explicit discourse (see Graeber 1997).<br />

41. Muldrew (2001:92) estimates that<br />

in c. r6oo, eight thousand London merchants<br />

might have possessed as much as<br />

one-third of all the cash in England.<br />

42. Williamson r889; Whiting 1971;<br />

Mathias 1979b; Valenze 2oo6:34-40.

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