Analyzing the “Photographic Evidence” of the Nanking Massacre

spring or summer time—as illustrated, for example, by the outfits of the individualscaptured in the photographs—instead of winter time when Japanese troops entered thecity. Such a finding constitutes, however, merely circumstantial evidence and cannot bedefinitive grounds for disproof. One may contend, for example, that the people weredressed thin because the winter in Nanking in that year was milder than usual.Thus, two clues helped us to answer this question. First, as demonstrated inChapter 3, shadows seen in the photographs proved to be useful tools to determine theseason in which they were taken. Second, a passage in the GMD propaganda bureau’sdocument—which was unearthed in a truly timely manner—turned out to be a veryuseful clue. “Sheying Gongzuo Gaikuang” [Summary of Film Operations] within“Zhongyang Xuanchuanbu Guoji Xuanchuanchu Gongzuo Gaiyao” [Summary ofOperations by The International Propaganda Division of the Central Propaganda Bureau]contains the following passage:Our division [International Propaganda Division] started its full-scaleoperations when Guoji Xinwen Sheyingshe [International News FilmCorporation] under our supervision transferred all its filming equipment,materials, and several thousands of photographed films to the ZongyangTongxinshe Sheyingbu [Central News Agency’s Filming Bureau] in thespring of 1938. We also furnished financial assistance to the agency sothat we could combine our efforts for effective uses of filmed materials.Thus this passage makes clear that the GMD propaganda bureau’s InternationalPropaganda Division commenced its operation for the production of propaganda photosin the spring of 1938. As another piece of indirect evidence to corroborate this fact, oneshould refer to a letter which Harold J. Timperly sent to Miner S. Bates prior to thepublishing of Timperly’s What War Means. In a letter dated March 14, 1938, Timperlycomplained about the high cost of photographs and said that the publisher was requesting200 photographs. One may thus reason that the photographs printed in WMRB,published in July 1938, were pieces which the GMD propaganda bureau either collectedor produced in a hasty manner through their “filming operation” so that these imagescould be ready in time for publication of the book. This reasoning is likely to be ananswer to the aforementioned puzzling question—many of the acclaimed atrocityphotographs captured the scenes of early spring to summer.One may, however, ask another question—why did the GMD propaganda bureaunot pay attention to the background and people’s clothing in the course of producing thephoto pieces that were designed to impress the prospective viewer with the allegedwinter-time atrocities in Nanking? The answer is that the GMD propaganda bureau didnot have any notion that a large-scale massacre had occurred in Nanking, and that theyintended to merely conduct a general wartime propaganda campaign. For more detailedanalysis of this topic, one should refer to Nankin “gyakusatsu” kenkyū no saizensen,2003 version, and Higashinakano’s article, “Nankin “daigyakusatsu” o kutsugaesuketteiteki shōko o hakkutsu-shita” [Definitive Evidence Unearthed for Refuting TheAlleged Rape of Nanking].The research team also found an explanation as to why some individuals’demeanor and posture appeared unnatural in some photographs—as well as in the motion232