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Down to the wire : confronting climate collapse / David - Index of

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S<br />

94 politics and governance<br />

politics were pragmatic, not ideological. Yet <strong>the</strong> measures taken<br />

in those fi rst hundred days, however energetic, were not particularly<br />

successful. Nor did Roosevelt’s New Deal, for all that<br />

it accomplished, end <strong>the</strong> Depression. The Second World War did<br />

that. What Roosevelt did do, however, was <strong>to</strong> res<strong>to</strong>re confi dence<br />

in <strong>the</strong> presidency, <strong>the</strong> government, and particularly <strong>the</strong> capacity <strong>of</strong><br />

democracy <strong>to</strong> confront serious problems.<br />

Barack Obama, <strong>the</strong> 44th U.S. president, faces challenges that<br />

dwarf even those that confronted Lincoln and Roosevelt. At this<br />

writing (December 2008) <strong>the</strong> economy is in free fall, major corporate<br />

pillars <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> economy are <strong>to</strong>ppling, fi nancial markets have<br />

imploded, we are losing two wars, U.S. infrastructure is decrepit, our<br />

politics are still bitterly divided, and looming ahead are <strong>the</strong> multiple<br />

challenges <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> long emergency. Beyond res<strong>to</strong>ring a semblance <strong>of</strong><br />

fi nancial order, President Obama must confront for some time <strong>to</strong><br />

come what Robert Kuttner call “<strong>the</strong> habits <strong>of</strong> mind that produced<br />

<strong>the</strong> crisis” (2008, p. 74). He faces as well <strong>the</strong> large task <strong>of</strong> recalibrating<br />

<strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>fi ce <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> presidency <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong> limits <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Constitution<br />

and res<strong>to</strong>ring what political scientist Richard Neustadt once<br />

defi ned as <strong>the</strong> only real power <strong>the</strong> president has—<strong>the</strong> power <strong>to</strong><br />

persuade. The coercive and manipulative powers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> presidency<br />

were enlarged by George W. Bush and Richard Cheney in ways<br />

that diminished respect, trust, and effectiveness here and abroad. But<br />

unless those enlargements are repudiated by law, all future presidents<br />

can—if <strong>the</strong>y choose—wage war preemptively without much<br />

interference from Congress, seize and hold American citizens, spy<br />

on <strong>the</strong> citizenry without much if any legal restraint, use practically<br />

any federal agency for political purposes, manipulate <strong>the</strong> press in<br />

ways inconceivable prior <strong>to</strong> 2000, fi re federal at<strong>to</strong>rneys for political<br />

gain, destroy evidence in criminal cases, use <strong>the</strong> Justice Department<br />

<strong>to</strong> prosecute members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> opposing party, <strong>of</strong>fer lucrative no-bid<br />

government contracts <strong>to</strong> friends, abet <strong>the</strong> creation <strong>of</strong> private security<br />

armies, <strong>to</strong>rture, create secret prisons, assassinate inconvenient<br />

foreign leaders, circumvent laws by <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> signing statements,

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