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Down to the wire : confronting climate collapse / David - Index of

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millennial hope S 169<br />

in human behavior. For all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> evidence <strong>of</strong> human depravity,<br />

<strong>the</strong>re are countless cases <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong> contrary. Villagers in Le Chambonsur-Lignon,<br />

France, for one example, at great risk <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong>mselves,<br />

hid Jews from Nazis in World War II (Hallie, 1994). John Rabe, a<br />

German citizen living in war-<strong>to</strong>rn Nanking in <strong>the</strong> 1930s, risked<br />

his life <strong>to</strong> maintain an international safety zone for civilians whose<br />

lives were at risk, <strong>the</strong>reby saving 200,000 Chinese from certain<br />

death (Rabe, 2000). Auschwitz survivor Vik<strong>to</strong>r Frankl testifi es <strong>to</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> endurance and resilience <strong>of</strong> prisoners in <strong>the</strong> midst <strong>of</strong> unspeakable<br />

horrors (2004). In <strong>the</strong> death camps Tzvetan Todorov found<br />

“many more acts <strong>of</strong> kindness than those recognized by <strong>the</strong> traditional<br />

moral perspective . . . even under <strong>the</strong> most adverse circumstances<br />

imaginable, when men and women are faint with hunger,<br />

numb with cold, exhausted, beaten, and humiliated, <strong>the</strong>y still go<br />

on performing simple acts <strong>of</strong> kindness—not everyone and not all<br />

<strong>the</strong> time, but enough <strong>to</strong> reinforce and even augment our faith in<br />

goodness” (1996, pp. 290–291). The lesson, he argues, is that “moral<br />

reactions are spontaneous, omnipresent, and eradicable only with<br />

<strong>the</strong> greatest violence” (p. 39). Many war heroes risked <strong>the</strong>ir lives<br />

for fellow soldiers. There is <strong>the</strong> everyday heroism <strong>of</strong> police, fi refi<br />

ghters, teachers, and parents who do remarkable things without<br />

expecting any tangible reward. And contrary <strong>to</strong> economic models,<br />

<strong>the</strong>re is <strong>the</strong> everyday kindness <strong>of</strong> strangers that defi es calculations<br />

<strong>of</strong> self-interest.<br />

Good evidence exists, as well, that we have an affi nity for life—<br />

what E. O. Wilson calls “biophilia.” And it would be surprising<br />

indeed, after several million years <strong>of</strong> evolution, were it o<strong>the</strong>rwise.<br />

But <strong>the</strong> study <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ecological foundations <strong>of</strong> human psychology,<br />

beginning with <strong>the</strong> provocative work <strong>of</strong> Theodore Roszak (1992),<br />

is presently marginalized by mainstream psychology. A few scholars<br />

are studying why and how people connect <strong>to</strong> nature and why that<br />

is important for our well-being. Mayer and Frantz, for example,<br />

show that <strong>the</strong> experiential sense <strong>of</strong> feeling connected <strong>to</strong> nature is<br />

associated not only with greater happiness and meaningfulness in

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