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Down to the wire : confronting climate collapse / David - Index of

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S<br />

14 politics and governance<br />

wealth, especially that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> founders. That may not have been<br />

as true as Beard assumed for <strong>the</strong> founders, but it is clear that “By<br />

<strong>the</strong> middle <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century <strong>the</strong> legal system had been<br />

reshaped <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong> advantage <strong>of</strong> men <strong>of</strong> commerce and industry at<br />

<strong>the</strong> expense <strong>of</strong> farmers, workers, consumers, and o<strong>the</strong>r less powerful<br />

groups within <strong>the</strong> society” (Horwitz, 1977, pp. 253–254).<br />

More recently, political scientists Robert Dahl, Sanford Levinson,<br />

Daniel Lazare, and Larry Saba<strong>to</strong> have questioned <strong>the</strong> inclusiveness<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Constitution as well as its effectiveness and future prospects.<br />

Dahl, for example, argues that undemocratic features were built<br />

in<strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong> Constitution because <strong>the</strong> founders “overestimated <strong>the</strong><br />

dangers <strong>of</strong> popular majorities . . . and underestimated <strong>the</strong> strength<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> developing democratic commitment among Americans”<br />

(Dahl, 2002, p. 39; Lazare, 1996, p. 46). While somewhat pessimistic<br />

about <strong>the</strong> prospects for greater democratization, he argues that<br />

“it is time—long past time—<strong>to</strong> invigorate and greatly widen <strong>the</strong><br />

critical examination <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Constitution and its shortcomings”<br />

(pp. 154–156). Constitutional law expert Sanford Levinson agrees:<br />

“<strong>the</strong> Constitution is both insuffi ciently democratic . . . and suffi -<br />

ciently dysfunctional, in terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> quality <strong>of</strong> government that<br />

we receive . . . [that] we should no longer express our blind devotion<br />

<strong>to</strong> it” (Levinson, 2006, p. 9). Accordingly, he proposes a new<br />

constitutional convention “<strong>to</strong> do what <strong>the</strong> framers <strong>of</strong> 1787 did,”<br />

by which he means update and improve <strong>the</strong> document based on<br />

<strong>the</strong> experience <strong>of</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r democracies and <strong>the</strong> two centuries and<br />

more since <strong>the</strong> founding (p. 173). 1<br />

Beyond issues <strong>of</strong> democracy and inclusiveness are o<strong>the</strong>r questions<br />

about how well <strong>the</strong> Constitution works relative <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

<strong>climate</strong> and <strong>the</strong> environment. The environment is a complex,<br />

interactive, and nonlinear system. But <strong>the</strong> structure <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Constitution<br />

favors “decentralized, fragmented, and incremental lawmaking,”<br />

in legal scholar Richard Lazarus’ words (2004, p. 30). As<br />

a result, laws, policies, agencies, and whole government departments<br />

<strong>of</strong>ten work piecemeal and at cross-purposes, without due

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