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Down to the wire : confronting climate collapse / David - Index of

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late-night thoughts about democracy S 65<br />

evidence indicates as well that public deliberation under <strong>the</strong> right<br />

conditions does indeed increase both participation and <strong>the</strong> quality<br />

<strong>of</strong> public dialogue.<br />

But deliberation without fair and transparent elections is meaningless.<br />

Steven Hill (2002; 2006) has written persuasively about<br />

<strong>the</strong> need <strong>to</strong> improve <strong>the</strong> elec<strong>to</strong>ral system by ensuring that votes<br />

are in fact counted, expanding voter participation, providing for<br />

instant run<strong>of</strong>fs, scrapping winner-take-all elections, and providing<br />

for direct election <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> president, all <strong>of</strong> which are practical,<br />

widely popular, and achievable reforms lacking only <strong>the</strong> political<br />

leadership <strong>to</strong> implement <strong>the</strong>m.<br />

The future <strong>of</strong> democracy in <strong>the</strong> United States also depends a<br />

great deal on qualities that are harder <strong>to</strong> defi ne, what de Tocqueville<br />

called “habits <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> heart,” which defi ne <strong>the</strong> kind <strong>of</strong> people we<br />

are. The founders’ faith in <strong>the</strong> necessity <strong>of</strong> virtue was soon diminished<br />

by reality, but stable democracy everywhere requires civil<br />

people who <strong>to</strong>lerate differences and are willing <strong>to</strong> split <strong>the</strong> difference.<br />

Can people lose <strong>the</strong> capacity for democracy? Both Madison<br />

and Jefferson thought so, and in recent decades our own democracy<br />

frayed as our political dialogue became more contentious and<br />

narrowly partisan. “Wedge issues,” such as gay rights, abortion, fl ag<br />

burning, and (since September 11, 2001) <strong>the</strong> most strident form <strong>of</strong><br />

patriotism, have driven out more substantive and important issues.<br />

We are said <strong>to</strong> have become a conservative country, considerable<br />

evidence <strong>to</strong> <strong>the</strong> contrary notwithstanding, including <strong>the</strong> election<br />

results <strong>of</strong> 2008 (Hacker and Pierson, 2005). Whatever <strong>the</strong> truth <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> assertion, <strong>the</strong> conservatism <strong>of</strong> Rush Limbaugh, Sean Hannity,<br />

Anne Coulter, and Karl Rove has little in common with <strong>the</strong> principled<br />

conservatism <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> kind once proposed by Edmund Burke,<br />

Richard Weaver, Russell Kirk, Robert Taft, and even Barry Goldwater,<br />

a conservatism that never <strong>to</strong>ok a fi rm hold in <strong>the</strong> United<br />

States. Clin<strong>to</strong>n Rossiter once said that genuine conservatism was<br />

done in by twin forces <strong>of</strong> democracy (<strong>to</strong>o much, <strong>to</strong>o fast) and<br />

industrialism, creating a “one-way ticket <strong>to</strong> social nonconformity,

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