Global Burden of Armed Violence - The Geneva Declaration on ...

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98 GLOBAL BURDEN <strong>of</strong> ARMED VIOLENCE Box 5.4 <strong>The</strong> economic costs <strong>of</strong> intimate partner and sexual violence during war Though <strong>of</strong>ten hidden from view, the economic costs <strong>of</strong> intimate partner and sexual violence against women act as a development disabler. Although there are no comparative assessments <strong>of</strong> the economic burden <strong>of</strong> intimate partner violence, a number <strong>of</strong> case studies exist in high- and medium-income country contexts. According to UNIFEM (2007) and CDCP (2003), the direct medical costs <strong>of</strong> intimate partner assault, rape, and related victimization amounts to at least USD 5.8 billion per annum, while the indirect costs total some USD 1.8 billion. In less-developed countries, particularly those affected by war, sexual violence directed against women undermines formal and informal economic productivity. Female single-headed households are <strong>of</strong>ten confronted with the pain and suffering related to missing relatives, as well as economic uncertainties. In many cases, missing or killed male relatives served as the primary breadwinners and/or the household property owner. In Chechnya, (northern) Kenya, Liberia, Nepal, Somalia, and Sri Lanka, a noticeable rise in female-headed households was observed in the wake <strong>of</strong> armed violence (CICS, 2005). In both war and peace, female-headed households face an increased workload. <strong>The</strong>y also regularly find themselves excluded from formal economic activities, thus leading to reduced earning options. Such households make up a disproportionate share <strong>of</strong> the poor. In southern Sudan, for example, where women outnumber men, widow-headed households represent up to 50 per cent <strong>of</strong> the poor and poorest quintiles (Burns-Mackenzie and Buchanan-Smith, 2005). In Bosnia and Herzegovina, women-headed households (16 per cent <strong>of</strong> all households in 1998) <strong>of</strong>ten live in precarious conditions, with some members resorting to prostitution to make ends meet (Bastick, Grimm, and Kunz, 2007). Women also face a range <strong>of</strong> additional challenges tied to discrimination and social exclusion. <strong>The</strong> economic condition <strong>of</strong> displaced women may further deteriorate due to a decline in access to formal and informal credit from their social networks (Brück and Vothknecht, 2007). During bouts <strong>of</strong> intense collective violence, gender roles can change and adapt. <strong>The</strong> protracted absences <strong>of</strong> male family members and the destruction <strong>of</strong> productive assets can force women and girls into the labour market in new ways. In Nepal and Kenya, for example, large numbers <strong>of</strong> women are involved in farm management and labour migration, work traditionally reserved for men. Others have observed an increase <strong>of</strong> the share <strong>of</strong> women in the formal and informal labour force in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cambodia, El Salvador, Georgia, Guatemala, and Rwanda in the aftermath <strong>of</strong> war (Brück and Vothknecht, 2007). Photo A victim <strong>of</strong> a gang rape by five men hides her face at the Ndosho centre in central Goma, DRC, 2006. © Per-Anders Pettersson/Getty Images
In Uganda, a protracted armed conflict between the Lord’s Resistance Army (in the north) and the Ugandan People’s Defence Forces reveals the heavy economic costs <strong>of</strong> mass violence. In examining a range <strong>of</strong> variables from the mid-1980s to 2002 and data from national and sub-national sources, it appears that the economic costs <strong>of</strong> more than two decades <strong>of</strong> war in northern Uganda accounted for at least USD 1.3 billion. <strong>The</strong>se effects are primarily related to direct military expenditure (28 per cent), loss <strong>of</strong> income from cash crops (27 per cent), and reductions in tourism revenue (14 per cent) (Dorsey and Opeitum, 2002). Drawing on additional variables and country data, the estimated total rises threefold to more than USD 3.5 billion (Bozzoli et al., 2008). More than two decades <strong>of</strong> armed conflict in Sri Lanka has stimulated a range <strong>of</strong> analyses <strong>of</strong> its economic consequences. 27 Data generated by the state, the national bank, and international agencies such as the World Bank allow for robust accounting and modelling. Depending on the period under consideration, the independent variables assessed, and the regions <strong>of</strong> the country that are considered, the economic costs <strong>of</strong> collective armed violence in Sri Lanka range from USD 333 million to USD 1.93 billion per year. <strong>The</strong>se costs are attributed primarily to lost earnings arising from foregone foreign investment (42 per cent), military expenditures (27 per cent), lost tourism revenue (10 per cent), depleted infrastructure (8 per cent), and other factors (Bozzoli et al., 2008, p. 19). In the wake <strong>of</strong> an insurgency in Nicaragua launched in 1980, several econometric studies were under taken to examine the extent <strong>of</strong> the costs <strong>of</strong> mass armed violence. 28 Drawing on data from the Nicaraguan government and international agencies such as the UN and the World Bank, it is possible to examine the economic implications <strong>of</strong> external embargoes, military expenditures, and even changes in the behaviour <strong>of</strong> economic actors (shifts in propensity to import and consume). <strong>The</strong> overall estimated costs <strong>of</strong> civil war range from USD 80 million to more than USD 1.1 billion (FitzGerald, 1987; DiAddario, 1997; Stewart, Humphreys, and Lea, 1997). <strong>The</strong> primary impacts were reported in relation to export revenues, fiscal deficits, and inflation rates, and easily rivalled <strong>of</strong>ficial development flows to the country. More than a decade after a protracted internal conflict, Guatemala continues to suffer from one <strong>of</strong> the highest rates <strong>of</strong> armed violence in the world. <strong>The</strong> UN Development Programme has estimated that the costs <strong>of</strong> armed violence amounted to almost USD 2.4 billion in 2005, or 7.3 per cent <strong>of</strong> GDP (UNDP, 2006). <strong>The</strong> estimate incorporates health sector costs, institutional costs, private security expenditures, impacts on the investment climate, and material losses. Estimating the global economic costs <strong>of</strong> non-conflict armed violence <strong>The</strong>re are comparatively few attempts to estimate the global costs <strong>of</strong> homicidal violence. <strong>The</strong> Conflict Analysis Resource Center (CERAC) in Colombia recently generated a global estimate on the basis <strong>of</strong> the lost product due to violent deaths (LPVD) in more than 90 countries. <strong>The</strong> use <strong>of</strong> the LPVD method highlights the cost <strong>of</strong> lethal intentional violence above ‘normal’ or ‘expected’ rates. ‘Normal’ is defined levels observed in countries with a low or very low incidence <strong>of</strong> homicides. 29 <strong>The</strong> approach first considers the potential gains in life expectancy that would be achieved by reducing the risk <strong>of</strong> violent death. This is represented by the added years <strong>of</strong> life expectancy the population would gain if deaths from armed violence were reduced or eliminated. Estimating 99 ECO N OMIC COS T S OF A R M E D V I O L E N C E 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
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G L O B A L www.genevadeclaration.o
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G L O B A L www.genevadeclaration.o
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Foreword Armed vio
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Contents Executive Summary ........
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About the Geneva <
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of direct conflict
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Executive Summary Armed</st
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Figure 1 captures graphically the d
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This report also finds that the aft
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Chapter One Direct Conflict Death <
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approaches that featured cross-nati
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us, non-state and intercommunal arm
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niques and inclusion requirements (
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Figure 1.2 Estimates of</st
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North Africa Sudan 7,284 1,098 2,60
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Map 1.1 The GBAV c
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�� Increasing di
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Table 1.4 Estimated direct conflict
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Table 1.7 Direct conflict death rat
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accounts overwhelmingly for the glo
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Chapter Two The Ma
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Sexual violence in armed conflict a
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continued for six months due to the
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Table 2.1 Comparison of</st
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of sexual violence
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can be explained by the relatively
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Box 2.3 A very dark number: direct
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Photo Victims of v
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Page 63 and 64: ized by a clear victory of<
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Page 67 and 68: illegal war economies, including th
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Page 121 and 122: Chapter Six Armed
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Page 149 and 150: Figure 7.2 Kidnap for ransom cases
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Page 153 and 154: Bibliography Executive Summary CNP
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Page 157 and 158: Thieren, Michael. 2005. ‘Health I
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Nations-Survey-on-Crime-Trends-and-
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ground Paper. Geneva</stron
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--. 2003. ‘Masculinities and Masc
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ights-and-wrongs-of</strong
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Boxes List of Illu
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Map 4.1 Homicide rates per 100,000
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Figure 2.1 Typology of</str
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