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Global Burden of Armed Violence - The Geneva Declaration on ...

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130 ti<strong>on</strong>alist claims linking Central American gangs to<br />

migrant trafficking, kidnapping, and internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

organized crime, it appears that most maras and<br />

pandillas are involved in small-scale localized<br />

crime and delinquency, such as theft and muggings<br />

(Rodgers, 2006).<br />

GLOBAL BURDEN <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> ARMED VIOLENCE<br />

While there is some evidence that certain mara<br />

groups in El Salvador, Guatemala, and H<strong>on</strong>duras<br />

are involved in extorti<strong>on</strong> and racketeering, these<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten extend no further than the territories they<br />

physically c<strong>on</strong>trol. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>re are, however, growing<br />

risks <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> their assuming a more prominent role in<br />

the drug trade in the coming decade, owing to<br />

the way in which Central America is assuming an<br />

important transit functi<strong>on</strong> in the trafficking <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

narcotics from South America to North America.<br />

Box 7.2 Maras and pandillas in Central America<br />

Maras are organizati<strong>on</strong>s that can be directly linked to specific migratory<br />

patterns. Formerly, there were just two mara groups—the Dieciocho and<br />

the Salvatrucha, which today operate in El Salvador, Guatemala, H<strong>on</strong>duras,<br />

and southern Mexico. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g> gangs find their origins in the gangs <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Mexican,<br />

Salvadoran, and Guatemalan refugees and migrants in the United States<br />

during the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s. Following the impositi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> strict antigang<br />

laws and immigrati<strong>on</strong> reform in the United States, however, many gang<br />

members were repatriated back to Central America. Between 1998 and 2005,<br />

the United States deported almost 46,000 c<strong>on</strong>victs to Central America—<br />

with El Salvador, Guatemala, and H<strong>on</strong>duras receiving more than 90 per cent<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the total. <str<strong>on</strong>g>The</str<strong>on</strong>g>se gang members reproduced many <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the structures and<br />

functi<strong>on</strong>s they exhibited in the United States (Rodgers, 2006).<br />

Pandillas have their origins in the Central American peace processes <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />

1990s. Demobilized former combatant youths in Nicaragua, El Salvador,<br />

and Guatemala returned home to situati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> heightened insecurity and<br />

socio-ec<strong>on</strong>omic uncertainty. Many eventually formed localized vigilantestyle<br />

self-defence groups in an effort to provide safety for themselves and<br />

their families. From relatively organic beginnings, however, they rapidly<br />

expanded and developed semi-ritualized patterns <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> behaviour, including<br />

gang warfare. Some acquired new names—Los Drag<strong>on</strong>es, Los Rampleros,<br />

and Los Comemeuertos in Nicaragua—and assumed strict hierarchies.<br />

Source: Muggah and Stevens<strong>on</strong> (forthcoming)<br />

Extrajudicial killings,<br />

disappearances, and kidnapping<br />

A number <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> forms <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> armed violence perpetrated<br />

by individuals acting in the name <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the state can<br />

be classified as illegitimate. Two described here<br />

include extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances.<br />

Owing to their political nature, they<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ten remain purposefully hidden from view. It<br />

is, <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> course, important to recognize that not all<br />

uses <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force are illegitimate. Internati<strong>on</strong>al norms<br />

and, in most cases, domestic laws recognize a<br />

state’s legal m<strong>on</strong>opoly <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the legitimate use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

armed force to protect and safeguard citizens,<br />

instituti<strong>on</strong>s, and core values.<br />

But states are also bound by internati<strong>on</strong>al law and<br />

human rights principles, together with nati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

laws, to exercise <strong>on</strong>ly legitimate force. Excessive<br />

or inappropriate uses <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force can c<strong>on</strong>travene<br />

internati<strong>on</strong>al and domestic laws, and can thus be<br />

declared illegitimate. In certain cases, the illegitimate<br />

use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> force by public actors against the<br />

populati<strong>on</strong>—ranging from extorti<strong>on</strong> and harassment<br />

to extrajudicial killings and disappearances—<br />

can undermine the legitimacy <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> the state and its<br />

instituti<strong>on</strong>s and generate negative socioec<strong>on</strong>omic<br />

impacts. As a result, many multilateral and bilateral<br />

assistance programmes are seeking to build<br />

effective and accountable security instituti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

Extrajudicial killings<br />

Human rights groups, such as Amnesty Internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

and Human Rights Watch or trade uni<strong>on</strong>ists<br />

and local NGOs, have l<strong>on</strong>g decried the use <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

extrajudicial armed violence. Until recently, little<br />

data existed to compare the severity <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> such violence<br />

am<strong>on</strong>g countries and over time. Activists and<br />

others are frequently unable to disclose precise<br />

informati<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> extrajudicial violence for legal and<br />

ethical reas<strong>on</strong>s. Similarly, owing to internati<strong>on</strong>al

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