Global Burden of Armed Violence - The Geneva Declaration on ...

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122 Consequences include permanent marks on the GLOBAL BURDEN <strong>of</strong> ARMED VIOLENCE Photo " This 45-year-old woman was left blind after an acid attack in 1998. Dhaka, Bangla desh, 2006. © Olivier Hanigan/ WPN body, disfiguration, potential blindness, loss <strong>of</strong> hearing, and sometimes death. Social isolation is a further indirect effect. Victims <strong>of</strong> acid attacks rarely marry, thus remaining a burden to their families. Female infanticide and sex- selective abortion Female infanticide has likely accounted for millions <strong>of</strong> sex-selective deaths throughout history. <strong>The</strong> UN Children’s Fund defines female infanticide as the killing <strong>of</strong> a girl child within the first few weeks <strong>of</strong> her birth. Infanticide is practised as a method <strong>of</strong> family planning in societies where boys are valued, economically and socially, above girls. Methods <strong>of</strong> ending a baby girl’s life can be cruel, including poisoning, smothering, or feeding her unhulled rice to puncture the infant’s windpipes. While infanticide <strong>of</strong> newborn girls still takes place, ultrasound technology has given female infanticide a modern face in the form <strong>of</strong> sex-selective abortion. Substantial disparities between the numbers <strong>of</strong> girls and boys born suggest the extent <strong>of</strong> sex- selective abortion. <strong>The</strong> ratio <strong>of</strong> girls to boys born in Europe and North America is approximately 95:100, but in countries such as China, Taiwan, South Korea, India, and Pakistan, as well as some sub-Saharan African countries, the ratio is lower. China and India show the most extreme disparities (Watts and Zimmerman, 2002). 6 In China, approximately 84 girls are born for every 100 boys (UNFPA, 2007, p. 5), and in some regions female birth is even lower. <strong>The</strong> practice <strong>of</strong> killing or abandoning female infants markedly increased in China during the 1980s and is generally attrib- uted to China’s strict ‘one couple, one child’ policy. It is estimated that by 2020 China could be ‘missing’ around 30 million women. China’s State Popula- tion and Family Planning Commission recently pre- dicted that within 15 years one in every ten men aged between 20 and 45 will be unable to find a wife (Macartney, 2007; UNFPA, 2007, pp. 5–7). Already, a shortage <strong>of</strong> brides is seen as the cause <strong>of</strong> increased kidnapping and slave trade <strong>of</strong> women, wife selling, and prostitution (Manthorpe, 1999). In 1996 India’s census showed there to be only 929 females to every 1,000 males. In India’s 1901 census figures, there were 972 females to every 1,000 males. <strong>The</strong> selective killing <strong>of</strong> female foetuses is suggested by research that shows that fewer females are born as second or third children to families that have yet to have a boy. <strong>The</strong> ‘most plausible explanation for the low female-to-male
sex ratios reported at birth is prenatal sex determination followed by selective abortion’ (Jha and Oster, 2006). Female infanticide and sex-selective abortion are driven by both economic and cultural forces. In a traditional South Asian family, a son is expected to earn an income, inherit property, and care for his parents, while a daughter requires a dowry to be paid, <strong>of</strong>ten incurring substantial debt. However, the practice cannot be explained by income level alone. Cultural factors also seem to play an important role. In India, for example, it has been observed that abortion <strong>of</strong> female foetuses is most prevalent in some <strong>of</strong> the poorest and in some <strong>of</strong> the richest states (Sen, 2003). Conclusion Using a gender approach reveals the full extent <strong>of</strong> the direct and indirect impact <strong>of</strong> the global burden <strong>of</strong> armed violence. This is crucial to understanding the gender-specific impacts <strong>of</strong> armed violence, and the forms <strong>of</strong> violence specifically targeted against women. Such an analysis is also important in terms <strong>of</strong> policy-making and programme development, allowing for the development <strong>of</strong> policies that take into account the specific needs <strong>of</strong> different groups. Analysing the gender dimensions <strong>of</strong> the global burden <strong>of</strong> armed violence demonstrates the great variety <strong>of</strong> forms <strong>of</strong> violence and their multiple physical, psychological, social, and economic impacts. It becomes clear that the picture is highly complex, defying simplistic notions <strong>of</strong> women as victims and men as perpetrators. Finally, a gender approach broadens understandings <strong>of</strong> ‘arms’ and ‘armed violence’ since conventional definitions <strong>of</strong>ten only partially account for women’s experience <strong>of</strong> violence. In times <strong>of</strong> conflict and social upheaval, women suffer from lethal, non-lethal, direct, or indirect armed violence. However, paradoxically, such situations have sometimes <strong>of</strong>fered a space for women’s emancipation, be it through women’s participation in armed groups, or through women taking on new responsibilities and asserting their rights. This contradictory relationship is worthy <strong>of</strong> further research. <strong>Violence</strong> against women is one <strong>of</strong> the most common but least punished categories <strong>of</strong> crime in societies around the world. Inadequate data, discriminatory laws or ineffective implementation, widespread immunity for perpetrators, and a lack <strong>of</strong> political will to condemn such crimes all contribute to this situation. <strong>The</strong>re is a need to review existing data collection methods and indicators in order to present a more balanced picture <strong>of</strong> the gendered experiences <strong>of</strong> violence, which make up an important part <strong>of</strong> the global burden <strong>of</strong> armed violence. Abbreviations DRC Democratic Republic <strong>of</strong> the Congo IPV Intimate partner violence UNIFEM United Nations Development Fund for Women Endnotes 1 Bouta, Frerks, and Bannon (2005, p. 11); Gyawali and Shrestha (2006, p. 147); Marón (2003); and Karame (1999). 2 <strong>The</strong> definition <strong>of</strong> maternal death (by WHO): ‘<strong>The</strong> death <strong>of</strong> a woman while pregnant or within 42 days <strong>of</strong> termination <strong>of</strong> pregnancy, irrespective <strong>of</strong> the duration and site <strong>of</strong> the pregnancy, from any cause related to or aggravated by the pregnancy or its management but not from accidental or incidental causes.’ 3 <strong>The</strong>se countries include the DRC, (southern) Sudan, Rwanda, Uganda, Sierra Leone, Somalia, and Burundi. 123 A R M E D V I O L E N C E AG A I N S T WOMEN 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
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G L O B A L www.genevadeclaration.o
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G L O B A L www.genevadeclaration.o
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Foreword Armed vio
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Contents Executive Summary ........
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About the Geneva <
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of direct conflict
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Executive Summary Armed</st
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Figure 1 captures graphically the d
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This report also finds that the aft
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Chapter One Direct Conflict Death <
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approaches that featured cross-nati
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us, non-state and intercommunal arm
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niques and inclusion requirements (
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Figure 1.2 Estimates of</st
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North Africa Sudan 7,284 1,098 2,60
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Map 1.1 The GBAV c
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�� Increasing di
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Table 1.4 Estimated direct conflict
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Table 1.7 Direct conflict death rat
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accounts overwhelmingly for the glo
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Chapter Two The Ma
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Sexual violence in armed conflict a
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continued for six months due to the
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Table 2.1 Comparison of</st
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of sexual violence
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can be explained by the relatively
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Box 2.3 A very dark number: direct
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Photo Victims of v
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Table 2.5 Violent death estimates f
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Chapter Three Armed</strong
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ized by a clear victory of<
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On the basis of Ch
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illegal war economies, including th
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standards issued by UNHCR emphasize
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Table 3.4 Risk factors for youth vi
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Map 3.2 The youth
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Given the potential importance <str
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interventions based on identified n
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Chapter Four Lethal Encounters: Non
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violence in Mexico in 2007-08 (BBC,
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Page 85 and 86: tively. The Caribb
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Page 89 and 90: Table 4.1 National-level homicide t
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Page 93 and 94: Box 4.3 Sex, age, and armed violenc
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Page 101 and 102: Chapter Five What’s in a Number?
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Page 111 and 112: In Uganda, a protracted armed confl
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Page 119 and 120: 16 Specifically, the health and yea
Page 121 and 122: Chapter Six Armed
Page 123 and 124: (Myrttinen, 2003, p. 38). T
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Page 127 and 128: go missing, or are killed. In such
Page 129 and 130: disaggregated data is still not ava
Page 131 and 132: Acts of sexual vio
Page 133: Dowry-related violence A dowry is t
Page 137 and 138: Chapter Seven Other Forms o
Page 139 and 140: will likely emerge. Armed</
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Page 145 and 146: The absence <stron
Page 147 and 148: Table 7.1 Recorded cases of
Page 149 and 150: Figure 7.2 Kidnap for ransom cases
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Page 153 and 154: Bibliography Executive Summary CNP
Page 155 and 156: Burr, M. 1993. A Working Document:
Page 157 and 158: Thieren, Michael. 2005. ‘Health I
Page 159 and 160: ——. 2008. Small Arms Survey 200
Page 161 and 162: Nations-Survey-on-Crime-Trends-and-
Page 163 and 164: ground Paper. Geneva</stron
Page 165 and 166: --. 2003. ‘Masculinities and Masc
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Page 169 and 170: Boxes List of Illu
Page 171 and 172: Map 4.1 Homicide rates per 100,000
Page 173 and 174: Figure 2.1 Typology of</str
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