The Cuneiform inscriptions and the Old Testament; - The Search For ...

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254 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 0. T. their steeds .... their combatants . . . bows . . . prisoners (booty) , . . 5. . . . shields, spears with the hands .... of their combat ... 226 (?).... 6 He betook himself, to save his life, alone to flight .... Into the chief gate of his city I entered, his superior commandants alive ... 8. ... I caused to be crucified (impaled), his land I subju- gated (to myself). 45 people of the baggage, 655 . . . . ... of his city 1 took (for myself) away ; like a bird in a cage I shut him in. His plantations, 13,520 (530?) .... 10 , which are not to be numbered, I hewed down, not even a (tree) did I leave remaining, together with their property .... chadara, the house of the father of Rezin of Gar-Imirisu, pathless mountains ... 12. . . . Samalla(?) I besieged, I took, 800 inhabitants together with their property , Mitinti of (Ashkelon?) . . . 13. . . . their oxen (?), their sheep I carried away; 750 prisoners of the town Kuruzza(?) together with .... 14. the Irmaeans (?), 550 prisoners of the town Mituna(?) I carried away, 500 (and ? —) towns I saw ...(?)... 15 (I), who like a flood-mound left behind (?) sixteen districts of the land Gar- Imlrisu (Syria Damaskus), (while) the Chatti-palace (I) myself .... 16 Samsi, queen of Aribi who supported the worship of the sun-god, Rtikiptu, son of " Observe the mention of the queen Samsi (more accurately in other passages Samsi) instead of the queen Zabibt of 263 Aribi, mentioned on a former occasion (in the S*** year of the king's reign). The former was certainly the later sovereign (we again meet with her name in the inscriptions of Sargon), another proof that in this passage we must come down to the time of the Great King's campaign to the West, that brought with it the overthrow of Syria (734— 732 B. C). ;
SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XV. 255 XVI. 8. And Ahaz took the silver &nd gold . . . aiid sent to the king of Assyria (2igl.-PiL) a present. This is in complete agreement with the inscription II Rawl. 6 7, com- posed in the last, or rather last year but one *, of Tiglath- Pileser's reign. We there read, in line 61 , that the king had received tribute from "Mitinti of Ashkelon, Joahaz (Ja-u-ha-zi) of Juda, Kosmalak of Edom" (see above p. 249). There cannot be any doubt that the Biblical Ahaz of tTuda is meant by the Judaean Joahaz in this passage. Beside Ahaz, Uzziah (Ti'^^V) is the only one who can be at all thought-of in this connexion, and it is with him Rawliiison identified the Joahaz of the inscriptions. But (1) In the name Uzziah the designation of the deity stands second, in the name Jahuhazi it stands first. (2) We should have expected to find Uzziah's name in the previous lists of kings ofi"ering tribute, e. g. where Menahem of Samaria is mentioned (Layard 50, 10) in a report upon the princes who brought tribute to the Great King in the 8'^ year of his reign. Here, however, Uzziah is not mentioned. Lastly, (3) Uzziah is called in the inscriptions Azarjah, as I have pointed out above. Consequently Jahuhazi must neces- sarily be another person. If this, however, be so, there 264 remains only Ahaz, who was likewise the only king of Juda of whom the Bible informs us that he brought tribute to Tig- lath-Pileser. The difi'erence in form, viz. Joahaz in the inscriptions instead of Ahaz in the Bible, may then be explained by the assumption, either that the later Jews changed in the * See ibid, line 5 : ultu ri's sarrutija adi XVII. palija i. e. "from the begimiiug of my rule to the 17"> year of my reign." The entire period of the Great King's reign amounted to 18 years; see above note on XV. 29. pp. 233 foil.
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THEOLOGICAL TRANSLATION FUN D LIBRA
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