Autobiography - The Galindo Group
Autobiography - The Galindo Group
Autobiography - The Galindo Group
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Ram <strong>Galindo</strong> THE MAKING OF AN AMERICAN Page 238<br />
implicit objective to affect the direction of some public policies in Texas. I joined the<br />
board just as Dr. James Leininger was leaving the chairmanship. Jeff Judson had been<br />
president and chief executive for just a couple of years. It was an economically<br />
dangerous, albeit exciting, period of transition. After setting the ideological course of the<br />
organization and finding the right executive, raising the funds to run it was, to me, the<br />
board’s main responsibility.<br />
1998 was an election year. Most, but not all, of the candidates that TPPF and I<br />
supported were Republican. In the November 1998 elections, for the first time since<br />
Reconstruction, the Republican Party had won all the statewide elective offices and<br />
acquired control of the Texas Senate. TPPF used the occasion to stage an inaugural<br />
banquet attended by most of the new state leaders, who proclaimed adherence to our<br />
limited government views. <strong>The</strong> fact that we were able to pull this off catapulted the<br />
organization to a new level of credibility in the state.<br />
My direct exposure to the process of passing laws during the 1999 legislative session<br />
qualified me to be a better board member. It helped me understand with crystal clarity<br />
that often candidates’ pre-election talk does not translate to post-election action.<br />
<strong>The</strong>refore, the need to maintain the intellectual connection established before election<br />
after electoral victory is very important. Pragmatically speaking, the line between policy<br />
research and lobbying can blur very rapidly. Thus, TPPF’s job is first to provide the<br />
intellectual thrust to lift the veils obscuring the issues and then to help legislators apply<br />
the conclusions of the research into writing the law. In my view Jeff Judson manages<br />
these dual responsibilities with great success.<br />
As I stated many times before, the importance of economic philosophy among elected<br />
officials is very high, but in the presence of strong lobbyists it can be relegated to less<br />
important planes. <strong>The</strong> enormous complexity of divergent points of view, different<br />
interests, avoidance of un-intended results and broad nature of viable interpretations of<br />
the role of government in specific instances, make it very difficult to write a law purely<br />
from the philosophical angle. It is this gray area from which many relatively different<br />
laws, possibly all generally friendly to creative free enterprise, may come out. This gray<br />
and undefined area of semi-acceptable political action is the hunting ground for the<br />
lobby. <strong>The</strong> larger the area is the more the lobby likes it. This is where the strong win and<br />
the weak lose; it is an area where money is the ultimate weapon. Only large resources<br />
can direct enough and constant pressure on lawmakers to make them focus on the<br />
issue and help them see it in a certain way. We, the people interested in specific laws,<br />
provide the ammo (money) and the lobbyists are the trained gunners. <strong>The</strong>y are<br />
expensive!<br />
In my view, the preceding assertion does not minimize the role or importance of the<br />
TPPF, which is not a lobbying organization. Much to the contrary, it serves to point out<br />
how important it is to define more narrowly the sometimes wide-open philosophical<br />
right-of-way within which lawmakers chose to act. In rare moments of confidential<br />
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