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Appendix CASE ONE - Collection Point® | The Total Digital Asset ...

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Default and Modern Process 129<br />

aside. 14 Worse, from the plaintiffs standpoint, by the sixteenth century the<br />

outlawed defendant could purchase a pardon for a few pounds - leaving him<br />

in possession of his lands and goods and the plaintiff still unsatisfied. And, like<br />

attachment and arrest, outlawry involved another set of officials and of fees;<br />

the clerk of the outlawries was an appointive office for which incumbents paid<br />

in the expectation of recouping their expenses in fees.<br />

Understanding this array of drastic yet often futile efforts to compel<br />

defendant's answer requires us to understand why appearance was so<br />

important. In part the desire for appearance responded to practicalities:<br />

uncertainty of life and dreadful transportation remained constant facts of<br />

medieval English life. People did get sick, roads were often impassable. Any<br />

legal system that ignored these circumstances made unnecessary trouble for<br />

itself and compromised its fairness into the bargain.<br />

Yet one can also perhaps see a theory lurking behind these practicalities. 15<br />

A society that employed default judgements in its most solemn and final<br />

process had some use for the idea. One must account both for its presence<br />

in the real actions and for its absence in the personal actions. <strong>The</strong> key<br />

to both lies in understanding the position of the medieval English state.<br />

Though powerful by contemporary standards, English goverment was weak<br />

by modern standards. Its resources were spread thin and expending them<br />

required a strong justification. Controlling the primary form of wealth -<br />

land - supplied one such justification. To resort to default in real actions<br />

was no more than to accept necessity. On land rested not only the<br />

king's finances but also his sovereignty: 'All land whatsoever [was] held,<br />

mediately or immediately, of the Crown'. 16 Not just what we might now<br />

call dispute settlement but government itself would cease if a recalcitrant<br />

litigant were able to block adjudication of claims to the most significant<br />

form of wealth. 17<br />

Although necessity and political theory combined to make default acceptable<br />

in actions to recover title or seisin, extending default to other<br />

areas was another matter. It is a cliche to point out that modern English<br />

14 As one seventeenth-century manual put it, 'Outlawries are but meer scare crowes, to disable both<br />

the Plaintiff and Defendant, in putting them to unnecessary Charge . . .', <strong>The</strong> Practick Part of Law:<br />

Shewing the Office of a Compleat Attorney (1653), 288.<br />

15 <strong>The</strong> insistence on appearance tempts one to describe medieval justice as voluntary, a weak state<br />

offering justice as a service rather than as a command. Yet this explanation seems inadequate on a pair of<br />

grounds. First, the writs themselves take the form of commands, either to the sheriff or to the defendant;<br />

it is hard to fit a voluntarist notion of justice with the language of the writs. Moreover, attachment,<br />

distress, arrest and outlawry are not the stuff of gentle persuasion: they aimed at forcing the defendant<br />

to appear. That they often failed to accomplish their goal does not mean that they aimed at less than<br />

compulsion. Second, default did exist for those most solemn medieval proceedings - the real actions.<br />

16 A.W.B. Simpson, An Introduction to the History of Land Law (Oxford, 1961; rptd. 1979), 1.<br />

17 'Seisin was the cardinal point of land law. It was the basis of economic life. Land was everything to<br />

everybody. To lose one's land, or in other words, to be disseised of one's tenement, was as fatal a blow<br />

as losing one's job in a society which knows no unemployment insurance. It was, economically speaking,<br />

the worst thing that could happen to anybody', R.C. van Caenegem, op. cit. n.7 above, 262.

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