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Appendix CASE ONE - Collection Point® | The Total Digital Asset ...

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206 Legal History in the Making<br />

appoint an apparently unlimited number of local prosecutors was seen as<br />

an egregious opportunity for patronage. 21 It was an example, in Sir William<br />

Harcourt's words, of 'one of the most growing evils in this country, the<br />

centralization of patronage in the hands of the Executive Government'. 22<br />

In the eyes of one member it was an attempt to create a Ministry of Justice<br />

under another name. 23 It would be inefficient declared another since: 'All<br />

Treasury prosecutions partook more or less of jobbery and always cost too<br />

much'. 24 In the mind of one Tory member it would strike at the heart of the<br />

national character:<br />

<strong>The</strong>re was nothing which could be more prejudicial to the English character than<br />

to imitate the example of various foreign countries, and teach people to look<br />

to the Government for everything. If people would not look after their own<br />

property, it was not right that they should be able to ask the Government to do<br />

it for them. 25<br />

<strong>The</strong>re was opposition too from special interests and Harcourt declared that<br />

an earlier Liberal Bill had broken down because it had been opposed by: 26<br />

the most formidable body except the Licensed Victuallers, in the country - for<br />

everybody knows that they exercise an influence over hon. Members which is not<br />

equalled by any except Licensed Victuallers -1 mean Solicitors.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re was nevertheless, by this time, recognition among leaders on both<br />

sides of the House that action was needed and that, while traditional anxieties<br />

must be met, there was an overriding duty on Parliament to exercise the law.<br />

Farrer Herschell, later a Liberal Chancellor, reminded the House that 'every<br />

act which the law constitutes a crime is, as such, an offence not against the<br />

individual injured but against the community or State'. 27<br />

<strong>The</strong> compromise which emerged from the committee stage on the Prosecution<br />

of Offences Bill in 1879 was indeed a 'tentative' measure. When<br />

Sir John Blossett Maule Q.C. began work as the first Director of Public<br />

Prosecutions in January 1880 he, a single assistant, 28 and four clerks were<br />

temporarily housed in the Home Office building and empowered 'to institute,<br />

undertake and carry on such criminal proceedings as might be prescribed by<br />

regulations under the act or, in a special case, be directed by the Attorney<br />

General'. <strong>The</strong> Act imposed a further duty upon the Director to give advice<br />

to chief officers of police, clerks to justices and other persons in accordance<br />

21<br />

Mr. Williams, ibid., at col. 967.<br />

22<br />

Sir W.V. Harcourt, ibid., at col. 978.<br />

23<br />

Mr. Mitchell Henry, ibid., at col. 987.<br />

24<br />

Mr. Williams, ibid., at col. 967. Williams went on to cite the Tichbourne case citing the cost at<br />

over £100,000. In fact it only cost the still massive amount of £60,000, Report (1884), Evidence of A.<br />

Stephenson.<br />

25<br />

Mr. Floyer, Hansard (14 March 1879), at col. 984.<br />

26<br />

Sir W.V. Harcourt, ibid., at col. 978.<br />

27<br />

Sir F. Herschell, ibid., at cols. 973-74.<br />

28<br />

<strong>The</strong> Act did in fact authorize a maximum of six such assistants.

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