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Gambling motivation and involvement: A review of social

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lem gambling is not uncomplicated, which is shown by the seemingly contradictory<br />

results <strong>of</strong> some studies mentioned. For instance, as the REM model suggests [132],<br />

when viewing gambling as a public health toxin, not only is dose (number <strong>and</strong><br />

size <strong>of</strong> gambling establishments) important, but also potency (types <strong>of</strong> gambling)<br />

<strong>and</strong> duration (time since established). Furthermore, a positive correlation between<br />

gambling opportunities <strong>and</strong> a high frequency <strong>of</strong> problem gamblers in an area says<br />

nothing about cause <strong>and</strong> effect. Opportunity may cause gambling problems, but it<br />

may also be, as suggested above, that populations with certain demographic pr<strong>of</strong>iles,<br />

which tend to cluster in socio-geographical space, have relatively high rates <strong>of</strong><br />

problem gambling. <strong>Gambling</strong> opportunities tend to be more plentiful in the areas<br />

with such populations, since gaming operators realize that the dem<strong>and</strong> for gambling<br />

is higher there than elsewhere.<br />

Longitudinal studies are needed to clarify issues about cause <strong>and</strong> effect. Such<br />

studies may also provide insight into the effects that exposure <strong>and</strong> adaptation to<br />

gambling opportunities have on the population in a certain geographical area [132].<br />

Increased exposure is likely to initially increase the incidence <strong>of</strong> problem gambling,<br />

but over time adaptation processes may reduce the incidence <strong>and</strong> prevalence to<br />

previous levels. For instance, if a new form <strong>of</strong> game with a high risk <strong>of</strong> problem<br />

gambling is introduced, some people who were not problem gamblers earlier are<br />

likely to become so. After a time, however, at least some <strong>of</strong> these people will realize<br />

the dangers <strong>of</strong> the game <strong>and</strong> develop methods to cope with them. Furthermore,<br />

responsible gaming measures implemented by gaming providers <strong>and</strong> preventive<br />

<strong>and</strong> treatment efforts by public agencies may also reduce the problems connected<br />

with the game in question. According to Shaffer <strong>and</strong> colleagues [132] it is likely<br />

that “exposure <strong>and</strong> <strong>social</strong> adaptation models represent twin pillars in explaining<br />

dynamic epidemiological gambling-related trends” ( p. 46).<br />

Prevalence studies conducted in communities where gambling opportunities have<br />

increased significantly, e.g. through the establishment <strong>of</strong> a large casino, may use<br />

a longitudinal “before <strong>and</strong> after” design [134]. Such studies may thereby reveal<br />

relationships <strong>of</strong> cause <strong>and</strong> effect with respect to gambling availability <strong>and</strong> problem<br />

gambling: the sudden increase in availability constitutes a natural experiment on<br />

the determinants <strong>of</strong> problem gambling. The weakness <strong>of</strong> such studies, however, is<br />

that they are limited to one or a few cases, the generalizability <strong>of</strong> which is unclear.<br />

Geographical studies based on a multitude <strong>of</strong> locations promise results with greater<br />

applicability.<br />

G A M B L I N G M O T I VAT I O N A N D I N V O LV E M E N T 23

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