Gambling motivation and involvement: A review of social

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lem gambling is not uncomplicated, which is shown by the seemingly contradictory results of some studies mentioned. For instance, as the REM model suggests [132], when viewing gambling as a public health toxin, not only is dose (number and size of gambling establishments) important, but also potency (types of gambling) and duration (time since established). Furthermore, a positive correlation between gambling opportunities and a high frequency of problem gamblers in an area says nothing about cause and effect. Opportunity may cause gambling problems, but it may also be, as suggested above, that populations with certain demographic profiles, which tend to cluster in socio-geographical space, have relatively high rates of problem gambling. Gambling opportunities tend to be more plentiful in the areas with such populations, since gaming operators realize that the demand for gambling is higher there than elsewhere. Longitudinal studies are needed to clarify issues about cause and effect. Such studies may also provide insight into the effects that exposure and adaptation to gambling opportunities have on the population in a certain geographical area [132]. Increased exposure is likely to initially increase the incidence of problem gambling, but over time adaptation processes may reduce the incidence and prevalence to previous levels. For instance, if a new form of game with a high risk of problem gambling is introduced, some people who were not problem gamblers earlier are likely to become so. After a time, however, at least some of these people will realize the dangers of the game and develop methods to cope with them. Furthermore, responsible gaming measures implemented by gaming providers and preventive and treatment efforts by public agencies may also reduce the problems connected with the game in question. According to Shaffer and colleagues [132] it is likely that “exposure and social adaptation models represent twin pillars in explaining dynamic epidemiological gambling-related trends” ( p. 46). Prevalence studies conducted in communities where gambling opportunities have increased significantly, e.g. through the establishment of a large casino, may use a longitudinal “before and after” design [134]. Such studies may thereby reveal relationships of cause and effect with respect to gambling availability and problem gambling: the sudden increase in availability constitutes a natural experiment on the determinants of problem gambling. The weakness of such studies, however, is that they are limited to one or a few cases, the generalizability of which is unclear. Geographical studies based on a multitude of locations promise results with greater applicability. G A M B L I N G M O T I VAT I O N A N D I N V O LV E M E N T 23
RELEvancE tO pRObLEm GambLinG StudiES Studies of the social geography of gambling are an integral part of the public health perspective. Although such studies say little about the motives for gambling, they promise to add valuable knowledge about the connection between the availability of gambling, social factors, levels of gambling involvement, and the prevalence of problem gambling. Rather than focusing on the psychological constitution and possible pathological traits of individuals – factors that are difficult to influence on a collective scale in prevention – the focus is on the social and demographic risks and protective factors, as these are distributed in socio-geographical space. 24 G A M B L I N G M O T I VAT I O N A N D I N V O LV E M E N T
Page 1 and 2: Gambling motivation and involvement
Page 3 and 4: Report no 2 in the SWELOGS-programm
Page 5 and 6: Historical studies and literature h
Page 7 and 8: Extensive summary thiS REpORt pRESE
Page 9 and 10: Introduction Objective This report
Page 11 and 12: All predominantly biological, psych
Page 13 and 14: Sociological approaches SOciOLOGy S
Page 15 and 16: valve function [63, 64]. According
Page 17 and 18: RELEvancE tO pRObLEm GambLinG Studi
Page 19 and 20: The social rewards of gambling may
Page 21 and 22: elieving themselves to be, or aspir
Page 23: ling venues. Australian data sugges
Page 27 and 28: utility for a person who owns only
Page 29 and 30: 105, 60, 141-145]. The Friedman and
Page 33 and 34: price of heroin would probably mean
Page 37 and 38: in order to maximize utility from s
Page 39 and 40: e discussed below, where commercial
Page 41 and 42: Gambling and the macro-economy Ther
Page 43 and 44: however, that individuals within th
Page 45 and 46: Cultural approaches in 1952, tWO am
Page 47 and 48: In an appendix to Man, Play, and Ga
Page 49 and 50: However, several scholars have main
Page 51 and 52: covering 58 of the 60 distinct cult
Page 53 and 54: theory. In these studies, the objec
Page 55 and 56: is epidemiological and psychologica
Page 59 and 60: Comprehensive models of gambling be
Page 61 and 62: Involvement models Involvement mode
Page 63 and 64: than believing that their problems
Page 65 and 66: Concluding discussion Gambling - a
Page 67 and 68: solidarity. It is first when borrow
Page 69 and 70: Much contemporary research into gam
Page 71 and 72: References 1. Rönnberg S, Volberg
Page 73 and 74: 39. Grinols EL. Gambling in America
Page 75 and 76:
84. Goffman E. Frame Analysis. Harm
Page 77 and 78:
128. Volberg RA, Nysse-Carris KL, G
Page 79 and 80:
173. Becker GS, Grossman M, Murphy
Page 81 and 82:
218. Cain M, Law D, Peel D. The rel
Page 83 and 84:
265. Knapp BL. Gambling, Game, and
Page 85 and 86:
311. Desmond GR. Gambling among the
Page 87 and 88:
349. O’Brien Cousins S, Witcher C
Page 89 and 90:
391. Kingma S. A sign of the times:
Page 91 and 92:
433. LaPlante DA, Nelson SE, LaBrie
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