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Gambling motivation and involvement: A review of social

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RELEvancE tO pRObLEm GambLinG StudiES<br />

The observation that some modes <strong>of</strong> gambling have an economic function similar<br />

to saving prompts us to reflect on possible positive aspects <strong>of</strong> gambling <strong>and</strong> to keep<br />

these in mind when judging gambling’s role in society. It is largely unknown to what<br />

extent people in contemporary Western societies gamble because it is an alternative<br />

to saving, making it possible for them to buy, once in a while, relatively expensive<br />

goods, that their household budget does not allow for. Qualitative studies could<br />

indicate if there is such an economic function <strong>of</strong> some modes <strong>of</strong> gambling. Survey<br />

studies, including relevant questions on income <strong>and</strong> spending patterns, could show<br />

whether this possible function has any notable influence on gambling <strong>involvement</strong><br />

<strong>and</strong> problem gambling.<br />

The process utility <strong>of</strong> gambling<br />

Currently, the “strong” <strong>and</strong> original version <strong>of</strong> the Friedman-Savage hypothesis or<br />

the various theoretical developments <strong>of</strong> expected utility theory are seldom applied to<br />

gambling, a rare example being a paper by Nyman [154]. The reason for this ought<br />

to be that gambling as an economic activity cannot be explained to any greater<br />

extent solely by the socio-economic <strong>motivation</strong> originally assumed by Friedman<br />

<strong>and</strong> Savage. The “weak” <strong>and</strong> broader version <strong>of</strong> the hypothesis still has an intuitive<br />

appeal, since it explains gambling as motivated by a wish for lifestyle improvement<br />

in general. However, even this is seen by many economists as too limited an explanation<br />

for people’s propensity to gamble.<br />

Today, most economists with an interest in gambling acknowledge what their<br />

earlier colleagues – for reasons <strong>of</strong> theoretical purity <strong>and</strong> orthodoxy – refrained from<br />

including in their theories: that gambling has a utility value in itself [155–158]. People<br />

gamble not only because they hope they can make money from it, but also – <strong>and</strong><br />

perhaps primarily – because the activity <strong>of</strong> gambling in itself is fun, exciting, stimulating<br />

<strong>and</strong> interesting, <strong>and</strong> brings with it many other things that people appreciate.<br />

In order to enjoy these things, people are prepared to pay, <strong>and</strong> they do so accepting<br />

that in the long run participation in commercial gambling will almost certainly lead<br />

to economic losses. The orthodox economic theory <strong>of</strong> gambling focused on the<br />

expected consequences, in monetary terms, <strong>of</strong> participating in gambling; modern<br />

economists prefer to focus on the process utility <strong>of</strong> gambling [156].<br />

A theoretical economic model has shown that even a tiny utility <strong>of</strong> gambling,<br />

appended to an expected utility model, adequately explains why people engage in<br />

various forms <strong>of</strong> gambling [146]. Furthermore, acknowledging the process utility <strong>of</strong><br />

gambling makes it easier to underst<strong>and</strong> the economic aspect <strong>of</strong> gambling behavior,<br />

such as the determinants <strong>of</strong> lottery ticket sales [53] <strong>and</strong> patterns <strong>of</strong> betting on horse<br />

races [159] or baseball games [160]. The assumption <strong>of</strong> process utility underlies<br />

30 G A M B L I N G M O T I VAT I O N A N D I N V O LV E M E N T

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