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Gambling motivation and involvement: A review of social

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However, the apparent support for the first prediction should be viewed with caution,<br />

since there are plenty <strong>of</strong> other possible explanations, in addition to a greater<br />

proclivity to take risks, for males gambling more than females, e.g. that men have<br />

more money or goods to spend, more leisure time, are able to spend more time outside<br />

the walls <strong>of</strong> the home, <strong>and</strong> are in many cultures more motivated to use money<br />

or goods to gain or reaffirm <strong>social</strong> status. In the conclusion <strong>of</strong> the article, the author<br />

admits that attention must be paid to the <strong>social</strong> contexts <strong>of</strong> gambling <strong>and</strong> that there<br />

are forms <strong>of</strong> gambling that have little to do with risk taking.<br />

RELEvancE tO pRObLEm GambLinG StudiES<br />

Cross-cultural statistical studies may provide valuable insights into the large-scale<br />

patterns <strong>of</strong> gambling <strong>and</strong> non-gambling cultures across time <strong>and</strong> geographical<br />

space. Such studies tell about the functions <strong>of</strong> gambling in various types <strong>of</strong> societies<br />

<strong>and</strong> economies. They also tell about basic <strong>social</strong> <strong>and</strong> economic factors that promote<br />

or restrain gambling in society. As to the factors in contemporary Western societies<br />

that differentiate levels <strong>of</strong> <strong>involvement</strong>, <strong>and</strong> the variety <strong>of</strong> individual reasons for partaking<br />

in gambling, the studies are apparently <strong>of</strong> little relevance.<br />

Ethnographic studies<br />

The 19th <strong>and</strong> early 20th century ethnographic <strong>and</strong> folkloristic literature on gambling<br />

is extensive, especially with regard to North American first nation peoples, a<br />

representative example being the monumental work by Stewart Culin, Games <strong>of</strong> the<br />

North American Indians [290]. However, since that literature is largely descriptive<br />

<strong>and</strong> outdated with respect to theoretical assumptions, it will not be discussed here.<br />

Comprehensive ethnographic studies <strong>of</strong> contemporary gambling, reported in<br />

monographs, are quite rare [95, 101, 102, 105, 106, 115, 291–295]. The number<br />

<strong>of</strong> articles in academic journals, book chapters or report series that present recent<br />

ethnographic research on gambling is more substantial, but nevertheless amounts<br />

to no more than about fifty. These texts concern gambling in Western societies [93,<br />

118, 191, 296–308], as well as in non-Western cultures [87, 206, 309–324], <strong>and</strong><br />

are heterogeneous as to theory, observations <strong>and</strong> conclusions. The studies describe<br />

one or more specific gambling settings at a particular point in time, tell about the<br />

behavior, motives <strong>and</strong> attitudes <strong>of</strong> gamblers, <strong>and</strong> account for the cultural, societal<br />

<strong>and</strong> organizational context. Some <strong>of</strong> the studies do not aspire to make statements<br />

that can be generalized to gambling in other settings <strong>and</strong> cultures; the analyses are<br />

particular, contextual <strong>and</strong> valid primarily for specific cases. Other studies have such<br />

aspirations, <strong>and</strong> the conclusions about gambling are then typically derived from<br />

more general sociological <strong>and</strong> anthropological theories about culture <strong>and</strong> <strong>social</strong><br />

organization – such as symbolic interactionalism, cultural symbolism, or exchange<br />

G A M B L I N G M O T I VAT I O N A N D I N V O LV E M E N T 51

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