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Psychology & Buddhism.pdf

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134 Polly Young-Eisendrath<br />

tendency to dominate other life forms will become our greatest downfall as a<br />

species.<br />

There are other philosophical reasons to maintain the boundary between the<br />

human and the natural sciences. In 1989, I heard Kuhn lecture on his own longterm<br />

conclusions about this issue. He claimed that the main difference between<br />

these two kinds of science is practical, in terms of what practitioners normally do,<br />

not how or what they study.<br />

What natural scientists do, given their hermeneutic base, “is not ordinarily<br />

hermeneutic. Rather, they put to use the paradigm received from their teachers in<br />

an... enterprise that attempts to solve puzzles like those of improving and extending<br />

the match between theory and experiment at the advancing forefront of the<br />

field.” On the other hand, human scientists rarely work with such received knowledge.<br />

Their sciences “appear to be hermeneutic, interpretive, through and through.<br />

Very little of what goes on in them at all resembles the normal puzzle-solving<br />

research of the natural sciences. Their aim is ... to understand behavior, not to<br />

discover the laws, if any, that govern it” (Hiley, Bohman & Shusterman, 1991,<br />

pp. 22-23). Asking himself the question of whether the human sciences could<br />

eventually find paradigms that would support normal puzzle-solving research,<br />

Kuhn said he was “totally uncertain,” stating that some aspects of economics and<br />

psychology already seem to use models that could be generalized in developing<br />

a puzzle-solving science. On the other hand, he himself wondered if it would be<br />

constructive to move further in this direction. When the unit of study is a social<br />

or psychological system, Kuhn wondered if there would be any real gain in<br />

abstracting principles that might lead to puzzle solving, rather than continuing to<br />

engage in a thoroughly hermeneutic enterprise.<br />

Many psychological investigations that have emerged in dialogue with psychodynamic<br />

theories are already strong examples of a complex human science of<br />

subjectivity with strong records of reliability, validity and prediction. Those, which<br />

come easily to mind, are research programs in the following: (Loevinger’s) ego<br />

development theory, affect theory and regulation, infant-mother observation, attachment<br />

theory, defense mechanisms research, psychodynamic psychotherapy outcome<br />

studies, some dream studies, and the core-conflict studies of psychotherapy.<br />

All of these have contributed important new understandings and expanded<br />

old ones, while they have used hermeneutical or qualitative research methods to<br />

investigate human emotions and intentions.<br />

Of course, it is also fruitful to draw on certain findings in the natural sciences.<br />

Many of these are useful as heuristics and analogies. But if we ground our<br />

theories of subjectivity in natural science paradigms (whether they come from<br />

biology or physics), as I described above, we will distort our views of intentional<br />

life and also do very bad science. Another contemporary philosopher of science,<br />

Taylor (1985) states that natural science explanations of our subjective experiences<br />

“end up in wordy elaborations of the obvious, or they fail altogether to

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