Psychology & Buddhism.pdf
Psychology & Buddhism.pdf
Psychology & Buddhism.pdf
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218 Kathleen H. Dockett and Doris North-Schulte<br />
In spite of all the efforts of organizations such as the United Nations and the<br />
Peace Institute, the continued prevalence of national ethnic conflicts and violent<br />
attacks on individuals around the world based on ethnic affiliation, “race,” or religion<br />
has created an urgent need to seek “new” ways to lessen ethnic conflict and to<br />
promote harmony among peoples of the world. Since World War II, there have<br />
been numerous attempts to analyze the psychology of hatred, ethnic conflict,<br />
wars, genocide, and their effects on the individual and the group, beginning with<br />
the Holocaust studies (Arendt, 1963) and continuing to the present day (Chirot &<br />
Seligman, 2001). Chirot (2001) suggests that psychology’s contribution to<br />
understanding ethnopolitical conflict has been modest, growing largely out of<br />
theories of group conflict, with issues surrounding identity formation being little<br />
understood.<br />
Causes of Ethnopolitical Conflict, War, and Genocide<br />
Staub’s (1998, 2001) empirically based theory of group violence has identified<br />
patterns of events that instigate and predispose a culture toward genocidal or<br />
group violence. Conditions that instigate genocide include: (a) difficult conditions<br />
of life in a society such as economic problems, political conflict, and/or great<br />
social change; (b) conflicts involving vital interests such as territory needed for living;<br />
(c) conflict between dominant and subordinate groups, and (d) a history of<br />
conflict and antagonisms between groups. Other factors include scapegoating of a<br />
group as responsible for the difficult life conditions, and the escalation of harmful<br />
acts along the continuum of destruction, depending on the behavior of community<br />
leaders, elites, and bystanders internal and external to the community. Staub<br />
(1998) also identified a set of predisposing cultural factors that when present in<br />
combination make genocidal or group violence more likely. These include (a) a<br />
history of devaluation of some group that is part of the culture, for example as<br />
unintelligent or lazy, (b) monolithic versus pluralistic society, (c) authority orientation,<br />
and (d) unhealed group trauma of previously persecuted groups who are<br />
more likely to react to new threats with violence.<br />
Central to both instigating and precipitating factors is the existence of groupbased<br />
identities and conflict involving those identities. One can observe this in the<br />
aftermath of the Cold War in 1989, when the genesis of wars shifted from national<br />
states toward groupings of people that Kimmel (1999) calls “cultural states.”<br />
According to Fukuyama (as cited in Kimmel, 1999, p. 57), “The emergence of<br />
‘cultural states’ is related to a decline in the power of national states, both<br />
internally (a loss of patriotism) and externally (a breakdown of international relations).”<br />
“As a national state is superceded by cultural movements of peoples<br />
whose identities are anchored in existential feelings, called primordial sentiments<br />
(Geertz as cited in Kimmel, 1999), the individual’s sense of being a state citizen