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Psychology & Buddhism.pdf

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218 Kathleen H. Dockett and Doris North-Schulte<br />

In spite of all the efforts of organizations such as the United Nations and the<br />

Peace Institute, the continued prevalence of national ethnic conflicts and violent<br />

attacks on individuals around the world based on ethnic affiliation, “race,” or religion<br />

has created an urgent need to seek “new” ways to lessen ethnic conflict and to<br />

promote harmony among peoples of the world. Since World War II, there have<br />

been numerous attempts to analyze the psychology of hatred, ethnic conflict,<br />

wars, genocide, and their effects on the individual and the group, beginning with<br />

the Holocaust studies (Arendt, 1963) and continuing to the present day (Chirot &<br />

Seligman, 2001). Chirot (2001) suggests that psychology’s contribution to<br />

understanding ethnopolitical conflict has been modest, growing largely out of<br />

theories of group conflict, with issues surrounding identity formation being little<br />

understood.<br />

Causes of Ethnopolitical Conflict, War, and Genocide<br />

Staub’s (1998, 2001) empirically based theory of group violence has identified<br />

patterns of events that instigate and predispose a culture toward genocidal or<br />

group violence. Conditions that instigate genocide include: (a) difficult conditions<br />

of life in a society such as economic problems, political conflict, and/or great<br />

social change; (b) conflicts involving vital interests such as territory needed for living;<br />

(c) conflict between dominant and subordinate groups, and (d) a history of<br />

conflict and antagonisms between groups. Other factors include scapegoating of a<br />

group as responsible for the difficult life conditions, and the escalation of harmful<br />

acts along the continuum of destruction, depending on the behavior of community<br />

leaders, elites, and bystanders internal and external to the community. Staub<br />

(1998) also identified a set of predisposing cultural factors that when present in<br />

combination make genocidal or group violence more likely. These include (a) a<br />

history of devaluation of some group that is part of the culture, for example as<br />

unintelligent or lazy, (b) monolithic versus pluralistic society, (c) authority orientation,<br />

and (d) unhealed group trauma of previously persecuted groups who are<br />

more likely to react to new threats with violence.<br />

Central to both instigating and precipitating factors is the existence of groupbased<br />

identities and conflict involving those identities. One can observe this in the<br />

aftermath of the Cold War in 1989, when the genesis of wars shifted from national<br />

states toward groupings of people that Kimmel (1999) calls “cultural states.”<br />

According to Fukuyama (as cited in Kimmel, 1999, p. 57), “The emergence of<br />

‘cultural states’ is related to a decline in the power of national states, both<br />

internally (a loss of patriotism) and externally (a breakdown of international relations).”<br />

“As a national state is superceded by cultural movements of peoples<br />

whose identities are anchored in existential feelings, called primordial sentiments<br />

(Geertz as cited in Kimmel, 1999), the individual’s sense of being a state citizen

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