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Psychology & Buddhism.pdf

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Gestalt <strong>Psychology</strong> and Mahayana <strong>Buddhism</strong> 73<br />

its parts.” A whole – be it percept or concept, value or belief – is not a mere<br />

summation of component parts. The organization and internal structure of those<br />

parts is crucial in constituting the whole. Likewise, parts should not be viewed as<br />

independent units, since their nature or role is shaped by the function they play in<br />

completing the whole.<br />

The Gestalt psychologists Karl Duncker and Solomon Asch applied this<br />

thinking to better understand value experience and value diversity. The valuation<br />

of a particular practice cannot be understood without reference to the context of<br />

the whole situation within which it acquires its particular meaning. Neither absolutism<br />

nor relativism may be sufficiently mindful of the role of situational context<br />

in shaping meaning and value. The Gestalt view of relational determination<br />

provides an alternative to some basic assumptions common to both.<br />

Let us review traditional Western thinking about values and consider the<br />

contrasting Gestalt viewpoint. As far as ethics and values go, societies have traditionally<br />

embraced some form of absolutism. In the West, the Judeo-Christian ethic<br />

has predominated. Such (deontological) approaches lay out moral absolutes –<br />

laws, rules, or commandments with which to decide categorically whether a given<br />

act is good or bad. Their moral dualism depicts those categories as ultimate and<br />

unconditional. Such views may predispose their adherents to attitudes of condescension<br />

toward those with conflicting views, who may be seen as ethically<br />

immature, or less than fully human, or evil.<br />

Our increasing exposure to diverse and conflicting moral codes, and a growing<br />

scientific skepticism concerning the possibility of objective value generally,<br />

has raised doubts about absolutism, and has produced a reaction against it, in the<br />

form of ethical relativism. Relativism denies “that there are any fixed principles<br />

of value in human relations and [asserts] that these are historically conditioned or<br />

relative to the society” (Asch, 1952, p. 367). This view has come to dominate<br />

psychology and the social sciences, including the new postmodern theories.<br />

There are some problems with relativism. For one thing, its claim of basic<br />

value differences implies there are fundamental, presumably irreconcilable divisions<br />

that cleave humanity. For another, it weakens the idea that our moral values<br />

have any objective sensibility or valid basis. Here relativism appears at least to<br />

flirt with, if not succumb to, nihilism.<br />

In 1939, Karl Duncker published a critique of ethical relativism. He began<br />

with the unstartling fact that values tend to differ and change. Beliefs and practices<br />

deemed ethical by one group may be scorned by another. Upon this basis<br />

some conclude in favor of ethical relativism, “there is nothing invariable within<br />

the psychological content of morality” (p. 39). But value conflict does not in itself<br />

prove relativism. Duncker identified a critical but previously unacknowledged<br />

assumption of relativism, one now embraced by philosophy (see Brandt, 1961,<br />

1967; Frankena, 1973; Ragsdale, 1985; also Ellis, 1992). To fulfill the demands<br />

of relativism’s basic thesis, descriptive relativism, an object or situation that

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