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Psychology & Buddhism.pdf

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50 C. Peter Bankart<br />

doctrines. The obvious similarities between schizophrenic regressions and the<br />

practices of Yoga and Zen merely indicate that the general trend in Oriental cultures<br />

is to withdraw into the self from an overbearingly difficult physical and social<br />

reality. Only the future can tell how much Western psychiatry will learn from this<br />

Oriental bent of thought, which for centuries coexisted with the more outwarddirected<br />

Western mentality, without the two influencing each other to any appreciable<br />

degree. (Alexander & Selesnick, 1966, pp. 25–26, 372)<br />

Support for the allegations of psychological immaturity, pathological regression,<br />

and perhaps even decadence by practitioners of <strong>Buddhism</strong> are sprinkled<br />

through the Western psychiatric literature of this era. A classic example of this<br />

sort of orientalism was reported by Abel, Metraux, and Roll (1987). It is based on<br />

data collected in 1965 by a cultural anthropologist named Spiro who was invited<br />

to visit a Buddhist monastery in an isolated village in Burma. He administered<br />

Rorschach tests to the monks, and sent the protocols to an analyst colleague<br />

for interpretation. According to Abel et al. (1987), the responses of the monks<br />

revealed to the analyst: “Definite psychopathology among the monks. Among<br />

other characteristics, they showed marked regression in manifestations of aggressive<br />

and oral needs, hypochondriasis, ‘erotic self-cathexis’, greater fear of female<br />

or mother figures, greater defensiveness, and latent homosexuality” (p. 62).<br />

It was also noted that the monks’ responses were indiscriminable from the<br />

responses of other males in the same village. The results put Abel et al. in mind of<br />

another study using Rorschach responses from 1944 that described the entire population<br />

of Atimelang villagers on an island in the East Indies as “brain damaged.”<br />

Various Western scholars have tried to reconcile the split between Western<br />

and Eastern theories and practices, but until relatively recently their work has carried<br />

little weight in psychoanalytic circles. Fingarette (1963) asserted that<br />

<strong>Buddhism</strong> was an antidote to the Western tendency to disregard the psychic experiences<br />

of patients by dismissing these experiences as “pale, alien, merely verbal,<br />

or ‘theoretical’ ” (p. 208). He tried to show how psychoanalytic transformation of<br />

the self has many of the same goals as the “mystic” tradition, concluding: “In the<br />

last analysis, then, the mystic way is a ‘simple’ and ‘obvious’ way – for those who<br />

will open their eyes ... . It is the liberation from neurotic fixation and dogma of<br />

all kinds” (Fingarette, 1963, p. 323).<br />

In a more spirited, if perhaps strident, tone, Deikman (1977) described the<br />

writings of psychoanalytic critics of Eastern teachings as displaying “extreme<br />

parochialism, a lack of discrimination, and a naive arrogance in its approach<br />

to its subject” (p. 213). He accused them of failing to discriminate between<br />

lower (sensate) and higher (transcendent) states of consciousness reported by meditators.<br />

Deikman held that this was a motivated blindness, a reaction to Eastern<br />

psychology’s challenges to basic tenets of Western culture – the primacy of reason<br />

and intellect, the separate, individual nature of man, and the linear organization of<br />

time. He concluded: “Real gold exists, even though false coin abounds. Perhaps<br />

the greatest teaching of the mystics is the need for humility” (p. 217).

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