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A Basic Course in Anthropological Linguistics (Studies in Linguistic ...

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LINGUISTIC METHOD 5<br />

Saussure’s approach came to be known, logically, as structuralism. In<br />

America, it was adopted <strong>in</strong> the early twentieth century by the anthropologist<br />

Franz Boas (1 858-1942), and a little later by his student Edward Sapir (1 884-<br />

1939). However, unlike Saussure, Boas did not see the goal of l<strong>in</strong>guistics as a<br />

study of langue <strong>in</strong> itself, but rather as the description of how langue reflected<br />

the cultural emphases of the speech community that used it. L<strong>in</strong>guists would<br />

thus have to expla<strong>in</strong> why, for example, <strong>in</strong> the Indonesian language the social<br />

status of the person addressed is mirrored directly <strong>in</strong> the vocabulary used; and<br />

why <strong>in</strong> the language spoken by the Nuer, a herd<strong>in</strong>g people of eastern Africa,<br />

there are so many words for the colors and mark<strong>in</strong>gs of cattle. In both cases,<br />

the structure of the two languages reflects, respectively, the cultural importance<br />

of social rank and livestock. In English, on the other hand, there are very few<br />

words for describ<strong>in</strong>g livestock, but many for describ<strong>in</strong>g music (classical,<br />

jazz, folk, rock, etc.), reveal<strong>in</strong>g the importance of music <strong>in</strong> our daily lives. The<br />

study of the relation between language and society is such an obvious one,<br />

Boas claimed, that it requires little or no justification.<br />

By the early 1930s, as American structuralists applied and expanded upon<br />

the basic Saussurean paradigm, it became obvious that a standard repertoire<br />

of notions and techniques was required. This was provided by Leonard<br />

Bloomfield (1887-1949) <strong>in</strong> his 1933 textbook titled Language. For two<br />

decades after, l<strong>in</strong>guists went about the pa<strong>in</strong>stak<strong>in</strong>g work of document<strong>in</strong>g the<br />

structures of different languages and of relat<strong>in</strong>g them to different cultural<br />

emphases, us<strong>in</strong>g a basic Bloomfieldian manual of techniques. The first major<br />

break from this tradition came <strong>in</strong> 1957, when the American l<strong>in</strong>guist Noam<br />

Chomsky (1928- ) argued that an understand<strong>in</strong>g of language as a universal<br />

faculty could never be developed from a piecemeal analysis of the disparate<br />

sounds, word forms, etc., of widely divergent languages. Chomsky argued<br />

that a true theory of language would have to expla<strong>in</strong> why all languages seem to<br />

reveal a similar plan for construct<strong>in</strong>g their sentences. He proposed to do exactly<br />

that by shift<strong>in</strong>g the focus <strong>in</strong> l<strong>in</strong>guistics away from mak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>ventories of isolated<br />

facts of language to a study of the “rule-mak<strong>in</strong>g pr<strong>in</strong>ciples” that went <strong>in</strong>to the<br />

construction of sentence types. The basis of Chomsky’s approach can be<br />

seen <strong>in</strong> the analysis he put forward of the follow<strong>in</strong>g two sentences:<br />

(1) John is eager to please<br />

(2) John is easy to please<br />

Both these sentences, Chomsky observed, would seem to be built from the<br />

same structural plan on the “surface,” each consist<strong>in</strong>g of a proper noun followed<br />

by a copula verb and predicate complement:

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