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Per Lekberg
Instead I looked more closely at the relationship between the production
ves in secondary provenience for the raw material of most ground stone axes,
considering that cobbles and loose rocks are relatively easy to obtain. This
view has also dominated French research, but Pierre Petrequin and his col
leagues sees this explanation as being too simple (Petrequin et al. 1998:282).
jects of value were made of cobbles. The reasons are said to be that cobbles
from riverbeds etc. often were too dry for being suitable for knapping, and
also that not enough raw material for an economically acceptable quality
production could quickly be obtained. This division of the axe production
– into household production and the making of valuables – is thus in Irian
the household production, preforms have been made out of small or me
of the large, valuable axes requires, on the other hand, often mining of out
and axes (Fenton 1984:237; Petrequin et al. 1998, Fig.3). In some societies
in Irian Jaya and New Guinea, the axe length and the rock it is made of are
over 20 cm in length are considered valuable enough for status and prestige
transactions (Petrequin et al. 1998:294ff; Burton 1984:244). These studies
give example of societies where technological differences in the production
of axes can be connected to a differentiated raw material procurement, on
the one hand, and to value differences on the other.
Our view of the social complexity of a society is highly dependant upon
that Fenton (1984) describes can be found just about everywhere in the near
neighbourhood of Scottish Neolithic and Bronze Age man, the procure
ment of preforms is fast and easy, the raw material is hard to control and the
production requires no advanced technological skills. On the other hand,
McBryde (1984:268ff) shows how two neighbouring Australian groups co
operate in working and controlling a certain dike known for its good raw
material, a situation somewhat like the Tungei in New Guinea who display
forms (Burton 1984:235ff). Also, at Plussulien in Bretagne, France, it has
been estimated that several million tools have been made, equalling twelve
people making about ten tools a day for about 2000 years of use (Le Roux
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