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Provisional Drogereit pdf

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Sadly the majority of (p. 382) the witness-list is missing; however, we assume that<br />

both charters were issued during the same meeting of the Witan as the vacancy was<br />

soon filled 126 , with the new Archbishop Oda signing in the same year. Here it is surely<br />

the case, that we have two scribes from whom we have several charters and who were<br />

engaged in this work at the same time.<br />

At this point we need to return to the original C. S. 780 of Ae. C. The schema, which<br />

has already been analysed above, originates from Ae. C, even though the wording<br />

shows some expressions of Eadmund B (C. S. 781 again points to an independent<br />

diplomatic of Ae. C; we believe therefore that this landbook was written later). We<br />

now understand why, in these two charters, Ae. C. made use of the other schema, in<br />

C. S. 780 using a text by someone else. Both documents hand down land “numinis<br />

mei”, i.e. crown estate.<br />

Up until that time Eadmund B had been called upon to draw up such charters. When<br />

Ae. C, who had no experience in this, was asked to draw up such a charter, he referred<br />

to Eadmund B. He took significant clauses from his Dispositive section, in parts word<br />

for word, after finding a model, probably in a private charter 127 , for the structure of<br />

the diplomatic. We can also find Eadmund B’s influence in the Sanction; for only<br />

here do we find with Ae. C the Sanction consisting of the Benedictio and<br />

Comminatio.<br />

In C. S. 781 we only find his own work from C. S. 780, the Proem and Invocation.<br />

Once again we have confirmation that both scribes were working concurrently, even<br />

helping each other out, and that they worked together in a “scriptorium”, the chancery<br />

– together with the fact that at least one of them was writing a specific type of charter<br />

(Eadmund B). Furthermore we establish once more the absence of a book of<br />

diplomatic formulae, as Ae. C initially sought advice from Eadmund B, using parts of<br />

his format, then continuing to write in his own fashion, even when producing charters<br />

of this type.<br />

126 See Anglia Sacra, ed. H. Wharton. London 1691. I, 83: “Wulfhelmus obiit. Vacatio nulla.”<br />

According to the Dictionary of National Biography Oda (Vol. XIV, 867), however, the vacancy or<br />

interregnum was of a longer duration, as Oda was first a monk in Fleury before accepting the position<br />

of Primate. Wulfhelm died as far back as 12 th February 942 (see D. N. B. XXI, 1085). We can therefore<br />

not necessarily refute the possibility that two meetings of the Witan took place during the interregnum.<br />

– Now there was another Witan, when Oda was already Archbishop (see C. S. 778), and the first Witan<br />

Assembly met normally at the beginning of the year at Christmas. It is also rare that we can establish<br />

three meetings of the Witan in the Anglo-Saxon era and four only in one very suspect case (see<br />

Appendix C. S. 674). We therefore consider that we can only attach one Witan Gemot to the<br />

interregnum. Unfortunately the documents for the year 942 are very sketchy, thus making a final<br />

conclusion impossible.<br />

127 See p. 408.<br />

382

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