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Provisional Drogereit pdf

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(p. 419) C. S. 675 shortens the Sanction noticeably. It also contains a writing error,<br />

although this will have been caused by the copier 197 . The dating clause has likewise<br />

been curtailed, the individual sections have been changed around and the details are<br />

wrong, without our assuming an oversight here. The list of witnesses also presents<br />

difficulties. Eugenius of Strahtclyde, although he was subjugated in 926 198 , never<br />

signs in genuine charters. We have no evidence as far as Bishop Benedictus is<br />

concerned, Bishop Wulfhelm does not appear as a witness until 933 (see C. S. 965).<br />

As far as we can judge, the lists of witnesses are invariably correct even in falsified<br />

Abingdon charters. The fact that the names are badly spelt lends particular emphasis<br />

to this suspicion: Aelfhael, Offerd, Aercberth, Huterd. They give rise to the suspicion<br />

that there was perhaps a genuine model, which was used to produce a different charter<br />

once it was no longer possible to read the Anglo-Saxon writing properly. The correct<br />

names should actually read: Aelfheah, Osferth, Aescberht, Uhtred. The Gemot or<br />

moot supposedly took place in Worcig Worthig. It is not possible to identify a<br />

location with such a name during the Anglo-Saxon period, although there is a<br />

Worthig.<br />

C. S. 676 is only in existence by the fact that it was preceded by C. S. 675. The only<br />

reasonable action would be to omit the Proem, which is insignificant to the content.<br />

The text part is good, but it is not possible to decipher the dating clause. As regards<br />

the phase of the moon indicated, it is not possible to determine any day falling on the<br />

7th Ides during the entire year. We find the list of witnesses in two suspect Abingdon<br />

charters 199 . The Subreguli are missing in these, yet the names are still correctly spelt.<br />

for the section following the boundary clause. This curtailment is not explained Here<br />

it would appear that we have a borrowing from a genuine charter. Among the<br />

witnesses is Beornstan, which means that the 29th May of the given year (931) has to<br />

be the earliest date 200 . According to the itinerary, the end of the year is out of the<br />

question for the Gemot; for, on 12th November, Aethelstan issued a charter in Luton,<br />

Bedfordshire. Now this charter is supposed to have been written in Welowe, a place in<br />

Hampshire (like Worthy). Welowe lies considerably further than 100 km from Luton.<br />

It is unlikely that more than 20 km would have been covered in a day's march 201 .<br />

197 J. Stevenson certainly interprets it correctly in the Chronicon with “edacibus Acherontis”. The<br />

mistake points to a genuine model for the presumably fake charter that was produced at a later date.<br />

The incorrect section reads: “edaci bufa cherontis”.<br />

198 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle II, 130.<br />

199<br />

C. S. 680 and 683. The formula for C. S. 680 is more frequently found in Eadgar’s work; C. S. 683<br />

was copied by Eadgar A.<br />

200 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, I 106.<br />

201 We are not in possession of any thorough analysis of travelling speed in the early Middle Ages.<br />

However, according to information researched by Fr. Ludwig, Untersuchungen über die Reise- und<br />

Marschgeschwindigkeit im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert (Studies on travelling and marching speeds in the<br />

12 th and 13 th Centuries), Berlin 1897, p. 187: “For journeys made by the German Kaisers and Kings a<br />

normal travelling speed of an average of 20 to 30 km per day can be assumed” we may conclude that it<br />

would be less for the time under examination.<br />

419

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