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Sadly the majority of (p. 382) the witness-list is missing; however, we assume that both charters were issued during the same meeting of the Witan as the vacancy was soon filled 126 , with the new Archbishop Oda signing in the same year. Here it is surely the case, that we have two scribes from whom we have several charters and who were engaged in this work at the same time. At this point we need to return to the original C. S. 780 of Ae. C. The schema, which has already been analysed above, originates from Ae. C, even though the wording shows some expressions of Eadmund B (C. S. 781 again points to an independent diplomatic of Ae. C; we believe therefore that this landbook was written later). We now understand why, in these two charters, Ae. C. made use of the other schema, in C. S. 780 using a text by someone else. Both documents hand down land “numinis mei”, i.e. crown estate. Up until that time Eadmund B had been called upon to draw up such charters. When Ae. C, who had no experience in this, was asked to draw up such a charter, he referred to Eadmund B. He took significant clauses from his Dispositive section, in parts word for word, after finding a model, probably in a private charter 127 , for the structure of the diplomatic. We can also find Eadmund B’s influence in the Sanction; for only here do we find with Ae. C the Sanction consisting of the Benedictio and Comminatio. In C. S. 781 we only find his own work from C. S. 780, the Proem and Invocation. Once again we have confirmation that both scribes were working concurrently, even helping each other out, and that they worked together in a “scriptorium”, the chancery – together with the fact that at least one of them was writing a specific type of charter (Eadmund B). Furthermore we establish once more the absence of a book of diplomatic formulae, as Ae. C initially sought advice from Eadmund B, using parts of his format, then continuing to write in his own fashion, even when producing charters of this type. 126 See Anglia Sacra, ed. H. Wharton. London 1691. I, 83: “Wulfhelmus obiit. Vacatio nulla.” According to the Dictionary of National Biography Oda (Vol. XIV, 867), however, the vacancy or interregnum was of a longer duration, as Oda was first a monk in Fleury before accepting the position of Primate. Wulfhelm died as far back as 12 th February 942 (see D. N. B. XXI, 1085). We can therefore not necessarily refute the possibility that two meetings of the Witan took place during the interregnum. – Now there was another Witan, when Oda was already Archbishop (see C. S. 778), and the first Witan Assembly met normally at the beginning of the year at Christmas. It is also rare that we can establish three meetings of the Witan in the Anglo-Saxon era and four only in one very suspect case (see Appendix C. S. 674). We therefore consider that we can only attach one Witan Gemot to the interregnum. Unfortunately the documents for the year 942 are very sketchy, thus making a final conclusion impossible. 127 See p. 408. 382
Eadmund C (p. 383) Charters: C. S. 791 0 ; 797; 807; 820 0 ; 829; 834; 802; 813 0 ; 874; 869 0 ; individual 877 0 We now come to the most interesting chancery scribe that we have seen enter the chancery as a novice 128 . Of the four charters which he produced completely, only two demonstrate the same structure and text, namely C. S. 791 and 820. Both these charters represent the first type, which stands out due to its wealth of words. We will refer to this as Type I (first row of numbers above). The third charter, C. S. 813, represents Type II, which is characterised by its brevity (second row). The charter form of C. S. 781, which represents a third type, was used by Ae. C as a model for the fourth charter. These three types correspond to the three different legal standpoints of handed down land 129 . His language presents hardly any difficulties and is only unclear in a few places, as Eadmund C was partial to omitting prepositions. He makes more mistakes than the other scribes, but not to the extent that this could be considered a characteristic of his style. Examples: C. S. 791: “Tamen plerumque tempestates et turbines…religio sanctae Dei aecclesie…dissipabitur ac rumpitur.” “…ea quae communi tractu salubri consilio definiuntur…” “Praecipioque…tam nobis viventibus quam…praedicantibus huius libertatis statuta…deducere quispiam praesumat…” “…in hoc praesenti saeculo vitam illius prospera feliciter longiturnae vitae gaudia teneat…” C. S. 813: “Imminentibus vitae caducis terminis qua in nos sceleris licet onere pressi nutu divino statuti Tamen…” C. S. 869: “Audivi…hanc mellitam dulcedinem sermocinationis seriem…” Some of this could be explained by apposition, but even then there are some difficulties with the translation. Besides borrowing the schema for C. S. 869 from Ae. C, he also uses the following sentence: “..ubi ruricoli apellativo usu ludibundisque vocabulis nomen indiderunt…” (see 741) Some expressions are taken from Eadmund B. We will examine these more closely later. 128 See Handwriting Comparison, Note II p. 351. 129 See Part 4. 383
Page 1 and 2: Was There an Anglo-Saxon Royal Chan
Page 3 and 4: He also upheld the (p. 337) traditi
Page 5 and 6: By comparing script-types he found
Page 7 and 8: The monumental work for this, as wi
Page 9 and 10: (p. 343) The l, so typical of the h
Page 11 and 12: (p. 345) In our period the minuscul
Page 13 and 14: (p. 347) The s has a descender that
Page 15 and 16: We will again examine the crosses a
Page 17 and 18: (p. 351) t often creates a noticeab
Page 19 and 20: One strange letter is the ornate i
Page 21 and 22: (p. 355) The second charter is simi
Page 23 and 24: (p. 357) The vertical stroke thicke
Page 25 and 26: Sanction Sanction Corrobatio Actum
Page 27 and 28: Scribe Aethelstan A (p. 361) Charte
Page 29 and 30: (p. 363) quapropter; quamobrem; qua
Page 31 and 32: (p. 365) The witness-list indicates
Page 33 and 34: The strong use of the attributive g
Page 35 and 36: (p. 369) “Huius namque probate do
Page 37 and 38: (p. 371) It contains individual wor
Page 39 and 40: Aethelstan C (p. 372) Charters: C.
Page 41 and 42: C. S.753 0 (p. 375): “…et post
Page 43 and 44: (p. 377) “Ego Eadgifu eiusdem Reg
Page 45 and 46: The Sanction varies in wording such
Page 47: (p. 381) C. S. 768: “Sed tamen to
Page 51 and 52: (p. 385) “Tali autem tenore hoc p
Page 53 and 54: (p. 387) The Invocation loses its e
Page 55 and 56: (p. 389) By placing at the front th
Page 57 and 58: Scribe Eadred B (p. 391) Charters C
Page 59 and 60: (p. 393) In this charter Eadred B u
Page 61 and 62: (p. 395) (see C. S. 677). The word
Page 63 and 64: (p. 397) C. S. 791: “…cum omnib
Page 65 and 66: (p. 399) Here it is also used as a
Page 67 and 68: (p. 401) “Quamvis enim…Tamen”
Page 69 and 70: (p. 403) Type III (Original C. S. 8
Page 71 and 72: (p. 405) in particular the existenc
Page 73 and 74: (p. 407) The book can now confer ba
Page 75 and 76: (p. 409) on Aethelstan C, the latte
Page 77 and 78: (p. 411) princes on the continent,
Page 79 and 80: (p. 413) more Witanagemot charters,
Page 81 and 82: (p. 415) the most important city of
Page 83 and 84: (p. 417) of the scribe. We have alr
Page 85 and 86: (p. 419) C. S. 675 shortens the San
Page 87 and 88: The ‘Comes’ Beorhtulf (p. 421)
Page 89 and 90: (p. 423) are false. The Context is
Page 91 and 92: Of all the charters, C. S. 1066 occ
Page 93 and 94: Excursus I (p. 427) The Significanc
Page 95 and 96: In the case of the bishops and ‘d
Page 97 and 98: (p. 431) to round off the picture a
Page 99 and 100:
(p. 433) C. S. 1055: "This is ealra
Page 101 and 102:
Year C.S. Treit. Earle land at coun
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