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EARLY CHRISTIAN CHANT 5<br />

is built up of a group of formulas. 1 This principle is characteristic of<br />

Semitic melody construction, and is not to be found in ancient Greek<br />

music. As Christianity spread to the countries of the Mediterranean<br />

basin it carried with it this principle of composition, which is there<br />

fore to be found in both Eastern and Western chant, and which con<br />

stitutes a proof of their ultimate Semitic origin. 2 The fragment of a<br />

'Hymn to the Holy Trinity', therefore, is not only a unique and<br />

valuable document of the music sung by Greek-speaking Christians<br />

in Egypt: it also proves that a principle of composition which we find<br />

to be characteristic of Christian chant was securely established as early<br />

as the third century outside the immediate sphere of Palestine.<br />

3. The third group consists of chants of the melismatic type, the<br />

most important of which are the Alleluias. In his Exposition of the<br />

Ninety-ninth Psalm St. Augustine describes the character of the songs<br />

of exultation: *He who jubilates speaks no words: it is a song of joy<br />

without words.' 3 The spiritual songs of which St. Paul speaks were<br />

obviously the melismatic melodies of the Alleluias and other exultant<br />

songs of praise, which, again, the Jewish Christians brought with them<br />

into the Christian Church from the Temple and Synagogue. The<br />

Hebrew word itself has never been translated by either the Greek or<br />

the Latin Church, and it has always been accepted that the chants<br />

derived from the Jewish liturgy. As early as 636 Isidore of Seville<br />

suggested a Hebrew origin for the atteluia-jubili: 'Laudes, hoc est<br />

alleluia canere, canticum est Hebraeorum' 4 (the praises, that is to say,<br />

the singing of Alleluia, is a song of the Hebrews). This view is sup<br />

ported by the musical structure of the Alleluias of the Ambrosian rite,<br />

the oldest specimens of the type which survive in manuscript.<br />

When we consider these three main forms of ecclesiastical music it<br />

becomes obvious that from the very beginnings of Christian worship<br />

1 Cf. E. Wellesz, 'The Earliest Example of Christian Hymnography', The Classical<br />

Quarterly, xxxix (1945), pp. 43-45. Transcriptions of the hymn, but without taking into<br />

account the dynamic signs, are given by H. Stuart Jones, Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Part xv;<br />

T. Reinach, *Un Ancetre de la musique d'6glise j<br />

, Revue Musicale, My 1922, p. 24;<br />

R. Wagner, *Der Oxyrhynchos-Notenpapyrus', Phihlogus, Ixxix (N.F. xxxiii), 1923,<br />

pp. 201-21; H. Abert, loc. cit, p. 527. A full transcription, showing all the lacunae, is<br />

given on pp. 42-43 of my article.<br />

* It was at first assumed that the principle of formulas was confined to Arabic music,<br />

cf. A. Z. Idelsohn, 'Die Maqamen der arabischen Musik', Sammelbdnde der inter-<br />

nationalen Musikgesellschaft, xv (1913-14), pp. 1 ff., but, as I showed in an article,<br />

'Die Struktur des serbischen Oktoechos', Zeitschriftfur Musikwissenschaft, ii (1919-20),<br />

pp. 140-8, it is in fact characteristic of Semitic music all over the Middle East. This prob<br />

lem is also discussed in my Eastern Elements in Western Chant, Monumenta Musicae<br />

Byzantinae, Subsidia, ii, American Series 1, 1947, p. 89.<br />

* 'Qui jubilat, non verba dicit, sed sonus quidem est laetitiae sine verbis' (J. P. Migne,<br />

Patrologia Latina, xxxvii. 1272).<br />

4 De ecclesiasticis officiis, i. 13; Patrologia Latina, Ixxxiii. 750.

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