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REDD projects in particular on the rights <strong>of</strong> local and indigenous communities (Peskett et al. 2008),<br />

although the literature on PES and carbon projects shows that in a wide variety <strong>of</strong> cases, the rights and<br />

<strong>land</strong> tenure security <strong>of</strong> smallholders were consolidated or improved (Bond et al. 2009). 15<br />

However, this<br />

does not preclude the possibility <strong>of</strong> grievances or conflict over <strong>land</strong> tenure and carbon rights at different<br />

geographic and political scales (Peskett et al. 2008). Standards like the CCB that demand clear and<br />

uncontested carbon rights should lead to greater <strong>land</strong> tenure and carbon rights security in a way that is<br />

analogous to the effect <strong>of</strong> PES schemes on tenure security (CCBA 2008; Plan Vivo Foundation 2008;<br />

Brown et al. 2008).<br />

It has also been noted that if REDD+ mechanisms confer greater economic value to <strong>for</strong>ests, there are<br />

heightened incentives <strong>for</strong> interest groups (including governments) to deny or overlook the local tenure<br />

and <strong>for</strong>est use rights (Brown et al. 2008). Likewise, new carbon benefits may provoke increased <strong>land</strong><br />

speculation or in-migration, thus creating loss <strong>of</strong> assets and conditions <strong>for</strong> increased competition and<br />

<strong>social</strong> conflict “within and between communities” (Peskett et al. 2008, 43). As Jindal (2010) notes, <strong>for</strong>est<br />

use is dynamic and frequently fraught with competing claims, and the needs <strong>of</strong> new migrants can place<br />

new pressure on <strong>for</strong>ests and community resources which cannot be solved with carbon payments alone.<br />

Whereas REDD projects with strict restrictions may exacerbate contests over access to and control <strong>of</strong><br />

natural resources, carbon projects that include alternative livelihood activities or multiple-use <strong>for</strong>est<br />

management are more likely to ensure or increase community access to <strong>for</strong>ests and help resolve<br />

outstanding problems with undefined <strong>land</strong> tenure or tenure conflicts (Smith & Scherr 2002).<br />

Human Capital<br />

Carbon projects typically contribute to the development <strong>of</strong> knowledge, skills, and capacity <strong>of</strong> individuals<br />

through training and on-the-job learning in <strong>for</strong>est management, agro<strong>for</strong>estry, sustainable agriculture,<br />

business administration, negotiations, and project management (Grieg-Gran et al. 2005). While skill and<br />

capacity building is commonly cited as a benefit, there is little evidence <strong>of</strong> the long-term <strong>impact</strong> <strong>of</strong><br />

capacity building activities, <strong>for</strong> instance whether new knowledge and skills are gainfully applied in<br />

practice (Tacconi et al. 2009). As in the case <strong>of</strong> <strong>social</strong> capital, improved human skills and capacities can<br />

facilitate longer-term secondary outcomes and <strong>impact</strong>s in terms <strong>of</strong> economic productivity and<br />

sustainable resource use.<br />

15 Some projects have facilitated <strong>for</strong>mal recognition <strong>of</strong> <strong>land</strong> tenure (e.g. titling). Smallholders in Costa Rica saw<br />

their <strong>land</strong> tenure security improve as neighbors and potential squatters perceived that the <strong>land</strong> enrolled in PES<br />

schemes was being utilized. Thus, PES schemes allowed <strong>land</strong> to be kept as <strong>for</strong>est without being considered “idle”<br />

(Pagiola et al. 2004).<br />

Social Impact Assessment <strong>of</strong> Land-Based Carbon Projects (1.0) – Part II | 85

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