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On the basis of local data, areas were identified in these countries which displayed
specific structural and infrastructural deficits and also those of a social and educational
nature, necessitating special political attention and support. The criteria for the
classification of these areas differed according to the availability of detailed data collected
on a small scale. In all cases, it was clear that highly specific strategies would have to be
developed to have any effect in these areas.
A glance through individual programmes within these strategies shows that a certain
degree of flexibility was necessary in the implementation of these strategies. The Children’s
Fund in Great Britain for example took action on a municipal level and allocated target
groups eligible for support according to local needs. These target groups did not necessarily
have to originate from a disadvantaged urban area, but merely had to fulfil the criteria of
neediness. This avoided disadvantaged children from outside the specified urban areas
from being systematically excluded from support.
This example shows that although an orientation towards social areas with special needs
is crucial and necessary, it is also vital not to lose sight of disadvantaged persons outside
these areas. Socio-spatial strategies must not be developed on a strict geographic basis, but
must additionally target the social reference point of disadvantaged young persons.
Analysis of countries with stronger departmental-oriented
strategies
The welfare state structure in countries with stronger departmental-oriented strategies is
primarily due to the common socialist history and can be categorised under so-called exsocialist
welfare regimes (cf. Holtmann 2006). Due to this socialist history, these structures
in Eastern European countries possess a strongly authoritarian-paternalistic character. The
state promised comprehensive social care “from the cradle to the grave” and provided the
population with the feeling complete security. State welfare in the socialist period was
based on three fundamental pillars: the “right to work”, comprehensive social service
programmes and a state guarantee for stable consumer prices (cf. Götting/Lessenich 1998).
State enterprises in the paternalistic state welfare system acted as comprehensive socialpolitical
agencies guaranteeing health care, providing child care, allocating housing,
organising recuperative vacations and providing professional training and further training
etc. (Ferge 1979: 118ff., Offe 1994: 112f.).
The ‘transformation’ in Eastern Europe beginning in 1989 was accompanied by a
reorientation process towards control through the market economy. During this process,
the necessity for differentiated social politics was recognised. The institutional
reconstruction, as David Stark (1995) formulated in the case of Eastern Europe, was
essentially a ‘bricolage’ of old and new and neither a realisation of concepts created in a
bureaucratic ivory tower nor the faithful copy of Western models. For this reason, the
following welfare categorisation of countries still on the search for the right path should
only be seen as an initial attempt.
Both the Czech Republic and Hungary can be categorised under a more conservative
welfare state type in which the social security institutions are developed along German-
Austrian lines. Poland is pursuing a more liberal interpretation of the social state and
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