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emmanuel reynaud holy virility the social construction of masculinity

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possession <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir rights, <strong>the</strong>ir women and <strong>the</strong>ir country. One<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> first peasant revolts in France (in 1067) was that <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

serfs <strong>of</strong> Viry, who rose up against <strong>the</strong> provost and canons <strong>of</strong><br />

Notre Dame in Paris, in whose power was <strong>the</strong>ir right to marry.<br />

The serfs wanted to dispense with <strong>the</strong>ir requiring <strong>the</strong> monks'<br />

permission to appropriate, through marriage, <strong>the</strong> woman <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

choice.<br />

In keeping with <strong>the</strong> conflicts between <strong>the</strong>m and <strong>the</strong> development<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> productive forces, large numbers <strong>of</strong> men have,<br />

throughout history, been reduced to slavery, and as <strong>the</strong> genitals<br />

are <strong>the</strong> basic criteria for <strong>the</strong> division into masters and slaves in<br />

patriarchy, so castration has frequently been <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

exclusion <strong>of</strong> one group <strong>of</strong> men from <strong>the</strong> power race. It was<br />

common practice in ancient times, and even if today it is<br />

definitely less widespread, some still feel <strong>the</strong>ir oppression as<br />

'castration', that is, as <strong>the</strong> destruction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> patriarchal symbol<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir power. Raoul Vaneigem puts as follows <strong>the</strong> idea<br />

doubtless present in many men's minds: 'Regimes agreeably<br />

baptised "democratic'' merely humanise castration.' [1] This<br />

situation ―whatever form <strong>the</strong> exclusion from <strong>the</strong> sharing in <strong>the</strong><br />

division <strong>of</strong> power takes― obviously engenders permanent<br />

antagonism inside <strong>the</strong> man class, which historically fairly stable<br />

in its <strong>social</strong> manifestation, took, from <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century<br />

onwards, a new direction in Judeo-Christian patriarchy.<br />

[Between men / 107]<br />

Indeed, that is when men seriously began to conceive <strong>the</strong><br />

project <strong>of</strong> a 'whole man' who would develop outside <strong>the</strong><br />

hierarchy and <strong>the</strong> struggle for power. Yet, in spite <strong>of</strong> being a<br />

step in <strong>the</strong> right direction, this 'whole man' did not really<br />

represent humankind, but clearly implied only <strong>the</strong> male <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

species. Between 1918 and 1921, in <strong>the</strong> anarchist Ukraine, one<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> greatest victories <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> anti-hierarchical struggle inside<br />

<strong>the</strong> man class took place. Nestor Machno ―who was nicknamed<br />

''Batko'', that is, 'Fa<strong>the</strong>r'― made some elegant speeches during<br />

<strong>the</strong> insurrection:<br />

«Win or die - that is <strong>the</strong> dilemma facing <strong>the</strong> peasants and<br />

workers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Ukraine at this historic moment. But we<br />

cannot all die, we are innumerable. We are Humanity! And<br />

so, we shall win . . . We shall not win only to repeat <strong>the</strong><br />

errors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> past: to place our fate in <strong>the</strong> hands <strong>of</strong> new<br />

masters. We shall win in order to take our destiny into our<br />

own hands, to organise our lives according to our own will<br />

and with our truth.» [2]<br />

But when Makhno (rightly) spoke <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> emancipation <strong>of</strong><br />

humanity, that did not prevent him, in his everyday behaviour,<br />

from restricting membership <strong>of</strong> humankind. Voline, who took<br />

part in Makhno's insurrectionary campaign, writes: 'The second<br />

shortcoming <strong>of</strong> Makhno and many <strong>of</strong> his close associates<br />

―commanders and o<strong>the</strong>rs― was <strong>the</strong>ir attitude towards women.<br />

Especially when inebriated, <strong>the</strong>se men indulged in inadmissible<br />

acts ―hateful would be more exact― going so far as to force

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