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The Palestinian Economy. Theoretical and Practical Challenges

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258<br />

Zagha<br />

Bird (1995) puts it, information asymmetry thus works both ways: the central government<br />

may not know what to do, the local government may not know how to do it. 8<br />

As I tend to agree with these critiques I will also add one more point to them based<br />

on the <strong>Palestinian</strong> experience. This is namely the exclusion of the NGO sector from the<br />

discussion of fiscal decentralisation. This is so because of two main reasons:<br />

• <strong>The</strong> <strong>Palestinian</strong> NGO sector grew <strong>and</strong> became a social mobilisation factor even<br />

before there was a central <strong>Palestinian</strong> national authority, <strong>and</strong><br />

• Secondly, the collective power <strong>and</strong> economic importance of the <strong>Palestinian</strong><br />

NGO sector (PNGO for short) is much more than that of the local government<br />

units.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se points will become more evident as we move forward in the discussion below.<br />

Up to this point, there is much to be said for the view that property taxes were the<br />

best taxes that LGUs can levy. Unfortunately, that point falls far short of the task<br />

facing SNGs 9 in many countries for a number of reasons. First, the conventional case<br />

for user charges <strong>and</strong> property taxes is to some extent flawed. Property taxes, for<br />

example, are often costly <strong>and</strong> difficult to administer well, <strong>and</strong> such problems are<br />

greatly exacerbated as the tax burden increases. Moreover, in practice political<br />

realities mean that increases in property taxes are often concentrated primarily on<br />

those non-residential properties that most readily permit “tax exporting” (the shifting<br />

of taxes to non-residents), thus undercutting one of the principal arguments for local<br />

use of property taxes in the first place.<br />

Second, even a well-administered local property tax cannot finance major social<br />

expenditures (education, health, social assistance) except perhaps to a limited extent in<br />

the richest (<strong>and</strong> usually largest) communities. 10 Since, as discussed further later, it is<br />

desirable to the extent possible for governments to finance from their own revenues the<br />

services they provide, either local governments that are dependent on property taxes are<br />

essentially confined to providing “local” services (street cleaning, refuse removal, etc.),<br />

or they are inevitably heavily dependent on transfers from higher levels of government.<br />

8 Of course, this problem is of differential importance in different services. Providing for street cleaning or<br />

garbage collection may not require sophisticated expertise, but power production <strong>and</strong> transmission, bulk<br />

supply of clean water <strong>and</strong> public sanitation do. Decentralisation to the local level will often work better in the<br />

former kind of services than the latter.<br />

9 SNGs <strong>and</strong> LGUs are used interchangeably to mean the same thing.<br />

10 User charges should be used only with caution in such social areas: for further discussion, see Bird (1976).

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