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The Palestinian Economy. Theoretical and Practical Challenges

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Proceedings “<strong>The</strong> <strong>Palestinian</strong> <strong>Economy</strong>: <strong>The</strong>oretical <strong>and</strong> <strong>Practical</strong> <strong>Challenges</strong>” 331<br />

Although these are reduced form results <strong>and</strong> they do not indicate through which<br />

mechanism(s) closures could give rise to an increase in child labour, they are nonetheless<br />

interesting per se. <strong>The</strong>y suggest that the conflict has a (probably unintended) negative<br />

effect on the <strong>Palestinian</strong> economy which should be taken into account in the analysis of<br />

the long run cost of the Israeli-<strong>Palestinian</strong> conflict.<br />

5.2. Possible channels<br />

<strong>The</strong>re are many possible channels through which the conflict may cause an increase in<br />

child labour. Previous empirical evidence suggests that not only the child <strong>and</strong> household<br />

characteristics but also the features of the labour market may play a role in determining<br />

the level <strong>and</strong> dynamics of child labour. It follows that, if the local labour market is an<br />

important determinant of child labour, any factor that modifies the functioning of the<br />

former impact on the latter too. This is especially true for weak <strong>and</strong> fragile developing<br />

countries whose labour market is directly affected by a conflict. Our results suggest that<br />

this is indeed the case of the <strong>Palestinian</strong> Territories.<br />

In the spirit of Kuha <strong>and</strong> Goldthorpe (2009), we seek to quantify the importance of<br />

different possible mediating channels through which closure may affect child labour <strong>and</strong><br />

school attendance using a two stage procedure. 13 While we are not able to empirically<br />

identify the separate effect of each channel on child’s status, the idea is to compare their<br />

relative contribution in explaining the effect of closure days on child’s status. At the same<br />

time, this approach in any way implies that the impact of closure days on child’s status is<br />

exhausted by the effects through the channels considered here.<br />

We run a set of (first stage) regressions of labour market <strong>and</strong> household level<br />

economic indicators on the number of closure days controlling for year <strong>and</strong> district fixed<br />

effects. 14 <strong>The</strong> predicted value of each regression is then plugged into the bivariate model<br />

for child labour <strong>and</strong> school attendance (second stage regression), controlling for the<br />

13 In their study of inter-generational social mobility, they examine the indirect effect of parental social status<br />

on adults social status through the channel of education. A similar approach is adopted in Rodriguez <strong>and</strong><br />

Sanchez (2009) to study the effect of conflict in Colombia on the accumulation of human capital.<br />

14 As a robustness check, in all first stage regressions we also included the interaction between the distance<br />

from the border <strong>and</strong> the number of closure days. In all cases, the level of significance of the number of<br />

closure days does not change. So we choose to stay with the more conservative results keeping only the<br />

number of closure days in the first stage.

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