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Indigenous Peoples and Conservation Organizations

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102 The Foi in Papua New Guinea<br />

The Kikori ICDP commenced in 1994 <strong>and</strong> an<br />

environment coordinator was recruited in 1995.<br />

Lake Kutubu <strong>and</strong> its WMA became a focus of<br />

work because of the uniqueness of its fish, its<br />

high biodiversity values, <strong>and</strong> the intensive<br />

nearby development. Environmental awareness<br />

activities were conducted in all the villages<br />

around the lake in 1995. Discussions with<br />

communities <strong>and</strong> formal workshops in the villages<br />

of Gesege <strong>and</strong> Yo’obo revealed the deepening<br />

alarm among the Foi at what was perceived<br />

to be a decline in fish size <strong>and</strong> numbers. This<br />

concern was expressed most keenly by several<br />

key clan leaders from Gesege, Tugiri, Yo’obo,<br />

<strong>and</strong> Wasemi villages. The Lake Kutubu WMAC<br />

echoed the concern, although some members<br />

may have been more interested in pursuing compensation<br />

from Chevron than finding methods to<br />

conserve fish populations.<br />

Explanations for the decline of fish stocks were<br />

varied. Some people pointed a finger at the<br />

petroleum development—although there was no<br />

evidence to substantiate an impact apart from<br />

localized sedimentation from road runoff. Others<br />

discussed changes in fishing technology, <strong>and</strong><br />

increased population around the lake. If there<br />

was no consensus about cause, the community<br />

meetings made clear that the level of alarm was<br />

acute <strong>and</strong> general. Fish were a prized food <strong>and</strong><br />

the major source of protein, <strong>and</strong> they were getting<br />

harder to catch <strong>and</strong> smaller in size. Many<br />

people, especially older male clan leaders <strong>and</strong><br />

women with babies, were concerned that their<br />

children <strong>and</strong> gr<strong>and</strong>children would not be able to<br />

enjoy freshly caught fish from Lake Kutubu as<br />

they themselves had.<br />

When WWF held community meetings <strong>and</strong><br />

workshops to discuss this issue more fully, it<br />

became clear that knowledge was scattered.<br />

Individuals had a general idea of where fishing<br />

was best <strong>and</strong> how much fish they typically<br />

caught, but no one could quantify the catches,<br />

frequency of fishing, or the fishing ranges of the<br />

entire community. Although the men recognized<br />

that women spent much time fishing, many<br />

insisted that they contributed more fish to the<br />

average household than their women did. The<br />

women, on the other h<strong>and</strong>, believed that they<br />

contributed far more fish to the household. The<br />

differences in perception that surfaced at the<br />

workshop at Gesege village finally made it obvious<br />

that fishing had to be observed more closely<br />

to see who was participating <strong>and</strong> where, what<br />

methods were being used, <strong>and</strong> with what results.<br />

The communities <strong>and</strong> WWF agreed to start a<br />

program for monitoring subsistence catches <strong>and</strong><br />

profiling the characteristics of the fishery, so that<br />

strategies for sustainable harvesting could be<br />

developed. WWF was careful to dispel unrealistic<br />

expectations. It would be vital to establish a<br />

baseline against which any future decline in fish<br />

catch <strong>and</strong> fish size could be detected.<br />

4.3 Designing a Subsistence Fish Catch<br />

Monitoring Program<br />

The concept of a fish catch monitoring program<br />

was discussed in detail with members of the<br />

WMAC, <strong>and</strong> WWF held meetings in all the lake<br />

villages to build consensus <strong>and</strong> participation.<br />

Each community believed that it was important<br />

for villagers to do the monitoring if the findings<br />

were to be credible.<br />

The pattern of settlement around the lake made it<br />

impossible to monitor all canoe l<strong>and</strong>ing sites<br />

simultaneously. To maximize the efficiency of the<br />

effort, monitoring focused on the larger villages,<br />

which also tended to have fewer canoe l<strong>and</strong>ing<br />

sites. Villages were selected from all the major<br />

zones of the lake. Only two of the major villages<br />

on the lake were not sampled. Soro was omitted<br />

because of community disinterest—perhaps<br />

because many of the villagers were Fasu who had<br />

chosen to work locally for wages rather than<br />

spend their time fishing. Inu was omitted because<br />

it was likely to duplicate the results from another<br />

village that shares the same fishing habitats. Since<br />

both villages had a large number of l<strong>and</strong>ing sites,<br />

it seemed wiser to concentrate limited resources to<br />

make sure that all catches from one were recorded<br />

rather than partial results from both. Wasemi was<br />

selected because of the interest <strong>and</strong> enthusiasm of<br />

a number of key clan leaders.<br />

WWF trained <strong>and</strong> worked with monitoring teams<br />

of two to eight members from the five selected<br />

villages. Monitoring was conducted for a total of<br />

85 days. Monitoring began with a pilot study in<br />

September 1995 in Gesege, Yo’obo, <strong>and</strong> Tugiri to<br />

test <strong>and</strong> refine the methodology. Quarterly monitoring,<br />

with at least three days per quarter, then<br />

followed between January 1996 <strong>and</strong> February<br />

1997 in all the villages. Larger villages such as<br />

Wasemi had more monitoring days.

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