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Indigenous Peoples and Conservation Organizations

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140 Signposts for the Road Ahead<br />

were concerned about the decline in wildlife<br />

populations not only because game is the most<br />

desired food, but also because hunting is a central<br />

aspect of their social life.<br />

<strong>Conservation</strong> organizations, on the other h<strong>and</strong>,<br />

want first <strong>and</strong> foremost to conserve the biodiversity<br />

of important ecosystems around the world.<br />

To achieve this goal, they support a variety of<br />

strategies including strict protection, sustainable<br />

natural resource management <strong>and</strong> related socioeconomic<br />

activities, policy reform, partnerships,<br />

<strong>and</strong> capacity building.<br />

Yet there are a number of areas where the interests<br />

of the two parties intersect. Geography is a<br />

powerful force binding indigenous groups <strong>and</strong><br />

conservation organizations together. As discussed<br />

in the first two chapters, much of the biodiversity<br />

that conservation groups want to<br />

conserve is in areas where indigenous people<br />

live. <strong>Conservation</strong> organizations can benefit<br />

from the fact that indigenous groups are committed<br />

to living on <strong>and</strong> protecting the l<strong>and</strong> over the<br />

long term. In turn, by collaborating with conservation<br />

organizations, indigenous groups can gain<br />

additional skills <strong>and</strong> resources to help them protect<br />

their l<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> their ways of life. Mapping<br />

<strong>and</strong> other activities related to documenting<br />

resource management, for instance, can be<br />

important in establishing <strong>and</strong> maintaining legal<br />

tenure. Beyond tenure, both parties want to prevent<br />

environmental damage from large-scale economic<br />

<strong>and</strong> infrastructure development, <strong>and</strong> to<br />

develop sustainable alternatives. Finally, both<br />

have important knowledge to share about conservation<br />

<strong>and</strong> resource use. These common interests<br />

can form a foundation for collaboration, <strong>and</strong> set<br />

the stage for lasting partnerships.<br />

Where this confluence of interests sometimes<br />

splits is in setting resource management priorities,<br />

such as which species are most important to protect,<br />

appropriate levels of resource use, <strong>and</strong> what<br />

strategy will be most effective. Differences also<br />

tend to emerge regarding the degree to which<br />

conservation organizations should support economic<br />

development activities. Geographically,<br />

conservation organizations are increasingly interested<br />

in conserving large regions containing multiple<br />

ecosystems that often go beyond the<br />

boundaries of indigenous territories.<br />

In some cases, differences that seem deep-seated<br />

are actually the result of misunderst<strong>and</strong>ing. For<br />

example, while indigenous groups are generally<br />

not familiar with the term biodiversity, they are<br />

concerned with conserving a diversity of<br />

resources to maintain healthy subsistence<br />

economies, to protect important aspects of their<br />

cultures, <strong>and</strong> to benefit future generations. If<br />

their respective priorities are better understood<br />

through creative planning <strong>and</strong> compromise, the<br />

two groups can collaborate to achieve their goals.<br />

In the case study from Ecuador, the objectives of<br />

the government, donors, NGOs, <strong>and</strong> the indigenous<br />

federation <strong>and</strong> its community members<br />

overlapped, but did not completely coincide. The<br />

Runa wanted to secure their l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> livelihoods<br />

over the long term. Beneath this unity of purpose,<br />

however, the federation <strong>and</strong> the participating<br />

communities had their own agendas, which<br />

were not thoroughly aired before the project got<br />

under way. Development agencies <strong>and</strong> conservation<br />

groups were promoting a sustainable forestry<br />

enterprise that would help put the market to work<br />

conserving habitat. They did not ask whether the<br />

model chosen was appropriate to communities<br />

that had never worked together or had prior experience<br />

running an economic enterprise. Funding<br />

was short-term <strong>and</strong> tightly scheduled so that<br />

basic questions about local capacity to carry out<br />

the project once outsiders withdrew were not<br />

asked or answered. Insufficient attention was<br />

also paid to the federation’s capacity to help not<br />

only these but other communities once the funding<br />

ran out. The government, meanwhile, moved<br />

forward on its own <strong>and</strong> established a park in<br />

which Runa communities would have no decision-making<br />

role but would serve as a cost-effective<br />

buffer to prevent encroachment by colonists.<br />

As a result, much of the community now sees the<br />

park not as a protective shield but as a loss of<br />

control over their ancestral territories. If the<br />

stakeholders had discussed <strong>and</strong> reconciled their<br />

objectives at the outset, a different project design<br />

might have emerged that would have been more<br />

sustainable <strong>and</strong> had wider impact.<br />

While indigenous people <strong>and</strong> conservationists<br />

may have common interests, the time frames for<br />

achieving their respective goals are often different.<br />

<strong>Conservation</strong> groups are often bound to a<br />

three-to-five-year project cycle established by

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