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The Xavante in Central Brazil 51 peaceful contact. By the mid-1940s, however, the Xavante faced other indigenous peoples who were firmly settled to the west while the expanding Brazilian frontier had caught up on the east. The Xavante had run out of room for further flight. During the 1940s the Brazilian government stepped up efforts to colonize the area for commercial use. The Xavante became famous for their bellicosity in resisting these efforts. In 1946, after two disastrous government attempts to “pacify” the Xavantes, representatives of the government’s Indian Protection Service (SPI) made the first peaceful contact. 7 The renowned leader Apöwe, whose descendants now reside in the Pimentel Barbosa Reserve, led the Xavante group initiating this contact. By the mid-1960s, all Xavante groups had established relations with outsiders. 8 The population, devastated by disease and violence, had shrunk to at least half its precontact size, and now numbered between 1,500 and 2,500 people. Pacification, then, was not to be confused with submission or peace. During the 1960s and 1970s, there were frequent clashes with Brazilians over territorial claims. Settlers, garimpeiros (mineral prospectors), and ranchers flooded into territory the Xavante occupied, in response to government fiscal incentives. Government fraud ceded large portions of Xavante land to colonists and to corporations (Garfield 1996). SPI was replaced by the National Indian Foundation (FUNAI) in 1967, large-scale monoculture (primarily upland rice) was soon introduced, and extensive tracts of savanna forest were cleared for cattle pasture. What is today the Pimentel Barbosa Reserve became splotched with large ranches and small squatter homesteads. After sometimes violent campaigns (Lopes da Silva 1986; Graham 1995, 37–42), different Xavante groups in Central Brazil convinced the government to recognize their territorial claims. By the end of 1980 all squatters and commercial Map 4.3 Communities in the Xavante Indigenous Reserve of Pimentel Barbosa Map by John Cotter in Graham 1995. Reproduced with permission of the University of Texas Press.
52 The Xavante in Central Brazil ranches were removed from areas formally recognized as Xavante reserves. Land disputes, however, persisted. As previously noted, people in the community of Agua Branca have won claim to a reserve of some 165,000 hectares, but FUNAI has yet to demarcate the boundaries and squatters have not been evicted. The Etéñiritipa Xavante are still pressing claim both to their ancestral village of Tsõrepre that lies within a ranch north of the Pimentel Barbosa Reserve’s current boundary, and to 80,000 hectares on the east bank of the Rio das Mortes where they had been forcibly resettled by the government following first contact. Despite considerable Xavante success in laying claim to land, there are other problems. Controlling resources and maintaining the political and social autonomy of the reserves are ongoing challenges. Mineral prospectors, cattle ranchers, and sportsmen continue to trespass. The proposed massive Hidrovia Araguaia–Tocantins project and the increased water traffic and pollution it would bring to the region pose a large-scale threat (Graham 1999). If completed, the waterway would skirt the borders of the two largest Xavante reserves (Areões and Pimentel Barbosa), and disrupt their environment and social life. In June 1997, lawyers from the Brazilian NGO Instituto Socioambiental successfully obtained a federal court injunction on behalf of the two reserves and brought the Rio das Mortes part of the Hidrovia to a halt. That left the problem of policing the current borders. In 1998, as part of the game management project’s phase III implementation, WWF supplied the communities of Etéñiritipa and Tangure with aluminum motor boats that could be used for fishing and antipoaching work. The communities of Caçula and Pe’adzarupre received boats from FUNAI. 2.3 FUNAI and the Game of State Funding As we have seen, relations between the state and the Xavante have been thorny at best. If the Xavante have been forced into a dialogue whose terms others set, they have struggled persistently to redefine those terms to fit their own cultural matrix and meet their own ends. In the mid- 1970s, FUNAI launched “Project Xavante,” a colossal effort to mechanize rice farming in the reserve area. 9 The project seemed to respond to Xavante needs by justifying their claims to large territories that would be used to aid the national economy. The project also was intended eventually to make the Xavante economically self-sufficient since the traditional hunter–gatherer system no longer sufficed. On one level, it can be argued that the attempt to fold the Xavante into the region’s cash-based market economy was a continuation of the pacification policy by other means. But pacification now had a literal as well as a figurative dimension. FUNAI was attempting to placate Xavante leaders, such as the politically astute Mario Juruna from São Marcos, who were gaining national notoriety by spotlighting the government’s neglect of indigenous affairs and were exerting public pressure to reclaim their lands. 10 From the late 1970s to the mid-1980s, the government poured money and energy into Xavante rice cultivation. During the 1981–1982 growing season in Etéñiritipa, FUNAI budgeted $19,159 for a single 110-hectare plantation. Communities in what is now part of the Parabubure Reserve received $35,447. Budgets covered expenses for growing and harvesting the rice; maintaining motor vehicles; and paying salaries to caciques or chiefs, vice-caciques or “secretaries,” teachers’ aides, and motorized equipment drivers. The salary figures considerably understate what was actually spent on personnel costs. For example, FUNAI instituted a policy of giving leaders financial “supplements” when they visited administrative offices in Barra do Garças or Brasília. In June 1987 these supplements averaged around $1,300, but varied according to a leader’s status and the degree of pressure he exerted on FUNAI administrators. The Xavante earned the status of being the most expensive and exasperating Indians in Brazil. For Xavante leaders, who aspired to the ranchers’ model of agribusiness and material signs of prosperity such as trucks and tractors, having a project conferred considerable prestige, and sometimes wealth. By the early 1980s the possibility of being given leadership of a project began to fuel rivalry among the Xavante and spark divisions in the village. A community leader who obtained a project could supply material goods to members of his faction and salaried positions to a select group. For example, the second major split from Etéñiritipa occurred in 1983 when Sõrupredu departed to establish his own village, Tangure, that would have its own project resources and cattle herd.
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Indigenous Peoples and Conservation
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iv Acknowledgments The editors woul
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Page 40 and 41: The Runa in Ecuador 33 Pacto Sumaco
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PART THREE: CONCLUSIONS
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Contributors JOHN BUTLER holds a Ph
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