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Indigenous Peoples and Conservation Organizations

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120 The Ju/’hoan in Namibia<br />

local resource manager see clear linkages<br />

between costs <strong>and</strong> benefits: As farmers manage<br />

resources more intensively to increase population<br />

numbers, they receive the benefit of higher quotas.<br />

These quotas generally translate into financial<br />

returns through live sale, tourism, <strong>and</strong> trophy<br />

hunting. It is assumed that these benefits will be<br />

incentives to use natural resources sustainably,<br />

thereby helping to improve conservation of biodiversity<br />

<strong>and</strong> habitats outside of protected areas<br />

like the Khaudum Game Reserve.<br />

Although Namibia now has strong legislation for<br />

community wildlife management, it does not<br />

directly address the greatest threat to the<br />

Ju/’hoan, the lack of secure tenure over their l<strong>and</strong><br />

<strong>and</strong> other resources. In the case of the challenge<br />

posed by the Herero cattle herds, the partnership<br />

between the NNFC <strong>and</strong> MET to establish a conservancy<br />

may have influenced the government’s<br />

decision in June 1997 to order the Herero to<br />

leave Nyae Nyae. However the growing pressure<br />

being brought to bear by Bushmen both inside<br />

<strong>and</strong> outside the country for tenure rights may<br />

also have played a role. 2 At any rate, by the end<br />

of 1997 all but one Herero family had complied.<br />

III. The Evolution of Communitybased<br />

Natural Resource<br />

Management in Nyae Nyae<br />

The story of how a partnership formed to bring<br />

effective community-based natural resource management<br />

to Nyae Nyae is complicated. It extends<br />

over nearly a decade <strong>and</strong> involves an extensive<br />

cast of actors (see figure 7.3). The story proceeds<br />

in three phases: impasse <strong>and</strong> the search for new<br />

approaches; revamping community institutions to<br />

take ownership of the project; <strong>and</strong> negotiating with<br />

outsiders to create a conservancy. Because there<br />

are so many diverse threads to this story, these<br />

phases contain areas of overlap. Like snapshots<br />

taken at three intervals, they show the growth <strong>and</strong><br />

capacity of community organization among the<br />

Ju/’hoan as they struggle to become effective<br />

stakeholders in managing the l<strong>and</strong> they live on.<br />

3.1 Institutional Gridlock <strong>and</strong> a New LIFE<br />

(1990–1995)<br />

To a great extent, what is happening in Namibia<br />

today would not have been possible without fundamental<br />

policy changes at the national level.<br />

MET did not begin with a blank slate. It inherited<br />

field staff, policies, <strong>and</strong> a history of conflict<br />

with communities from its colonial predecessor,<br />

the Department of Nature <strong>Conservation</strong> (DNC).<br />

Charged with managing wildlife throughout the<br />

country, the DNC concentrated on a system of<br />

parks <strong>and</strong> game reserves <strong>and</strong> limited its rural outreach<br />

activities to law enforcement, the control of<br />

problem animals (predators killing livestock <strong>and</strong><br />

elephants destroying crops), <strong>and</strong> ad hoc environmental<br />

awareness-building. In Nyae Nyae, most<br />

of the effort went into building up the infrastructure<br />

of the Khaudum Game Reserve <strong>and</strong> restricting<br />

its use by local people. Water points were<br />

constructed to encourage game to enter the<br />

reserve, <strong>and</strong> DNC staff patrolled to control<br />

poaching by local people. They had the authority<br />

to enter people’s homes to apprehend suspects<br />

<strong>and</strong> to build campsites on community l<strong>and</strong> for<br />

use by government staff. Many such activities<br />

were carried out without consulting local residents<br />

or n!ore leaders.<br />

Following independence, the DNC was replaced<br />

by MET. The pace of change since 1990 has<br />

been rapid, as the new ministry has increasingly<br />

focused on the development of ideas <strong>and</strong> practices<br />

that link conservation with development to<br />

improve the quality of life for all Namibians. In<br />

1991, MET began reaching out to local NGOs to<br />

conduct socio-ecological surveys of local views<br />

about resource management to identify problems<br />

<strong>and</strong> solutions. The survey in Nyae Nyae was the<br />

beginning of a different kind of relationship<br />

between the agency <strong>and</strong> the community. While it<br />

did not result in joint planning <strong>and</strong> implementation<br />

of wildlife management, it legitimized faceto-face<br />

contacts <strong>and</strong> began a dialogue that might<br />

one day make those outcomes possible.<br />

At the time, of course, one could not tell what<br />

direction was being followed. Certainly MET<br />

delivered confusing <strong>and</strong> contradictory messages<br />

to the people of Nyae Nyae. Those messages<br />

reflected deep conflicts within the ministry<br />

between those who thought nature had to be protected<br />

from local people <strong>and</strong> those who wanted<br />

to find a new way. One day representatives from<br />

MET would arrive bringing promises of local<br />

control over <strong>and</strong> benefit from the community’s<br />

wildlife, while the next day another set of staff<br />

would install pumps at water points for game

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