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Indigenous Peoples and Conservation Organizations

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42 The Runa in Ecuador<br />

to greater trust <strong>and</strong> better coordination. These<br />

links have also provided FOIN with a potentially<br />

positive channel for pushing proposals for comanagement<br />

based on the practical aspects of<br />

community economic development, rather than<br />

the highly charged politics that characterized previous<br />

contacts.<br />

But at the same time, development of a protected-area<br />

model has weakened indigenous control<br />

over this territory. Establishment of a<br />

national park has made indigenous communities<br />

<strong>and</strong> federations just one of many stakeholders.<br />

Although able to influence decisions about<br />

resource use in the region, they lack the deciding<br />

voice that would come from establishment <strong>and</strong><br />

recognition of an indigenous territory.<br />

The government’s Gran Sumaco Project to help<br />

establish the park has had a number of side<br />

effects. One of them seems ironically beneficial.<br />

In working with the single community of Huahua<br />

Sumaco, the Gran Sumaco Project showed that<br />

PUMAREN’s original simple structure for a<br />

forestry project was probably on track. Yet by<br />

tending to focus its efforts (as has INEFAN) on<br />

individual communities within the park buffer<br />

zone, the government undermines the coordinating<br />

role played by the federation <strong>and</strong> arbitrarily<br />

divides the social fabric of the region by excluding<br />

communities in the much larger area outside<br />

the park. Because it sees the indigenous population<br />

as one among many with interests in the<br />

area, the Gran Sumaco Project has also elevated<br />

the claims of others within the region. One day<br />

the established park may be as magnificently<br />

unique as Sumaco Volcano, st<strong>and</strong>ing in splendid<br />

isolation as a green isl<strong>and</strong> in a l<strong>and</strong>scape devastated<br />

by unbridled development.<br />

V. The Future of the Region<br />

<strong>Indigenous</strong> federations have made great strides to<br />

be included in the political life of Ecuador. Their<br />

leaders have become adept at organizing a variety<br />

of successful campaigns that have raised awareness<br />

about issues ranging from l<strong>and</strong> claims to the<br />

impacts of oil development on indigenous communities.<br />

In building a regional, national, <strong>and</strong> international<br />

movement, they have also forged a broader<br />

“indigenous” identity that cuts across ethnic boundaries.<br />

Their struggle has gone a long way to transform<br />

the public’s image of indigenous peoples.<br />

A vital part of the campaign for indigenous rights<br />

has been the ongoing fight for legal recognition<br />

that Ecuador is a “plurinational state”—a country<br />

that comprises different ethnic “nations.”<br />

<strong>Indigenous</strong> organizations have proposed amending<br />

the national Constitution to m<strong>and</strong>ate a decentralized<br />

political <strong>and</strong> administrative structure.<br />

The amendment would recognize the cultural<br />

heterogeneity of the country <strong>and</strong> allow local control<br />

over economic <strong>and</strong> cultural development. 16<br />

That would have significant consequences for the<br />

Ecuadorian Amazon, much of which indigenous<br />

peoples claim as ancestral l<strong>and</strong>. In the past quarter<br />

century, they have already achieved remarkable<br />

success in obtaining title to large segments<br />

of this territory, largely through the work of<br />

indigenous organizations formed in response to<br />

development pressures. The proposed political<br />

changes would have a greater impact on conservation<br />

of the region than any activities with individual<br />

communities are likely to achieve. Those<br />

interested in conservation of the region’s rain<br />

forests cannot ignore the indigenous movement<br />

as a primary ally in making the changes needed<br />

to conserve resources on a l<strong>and</strong>scape scale.<br />

However, implementation of such a far-reaching<br />

amendment, or even the less radical proposal to<br />

comanage protected areas that make up a quarter<br />

of the region, will require integration of the<br />

larger indigenous movement with community<br />

economic initiatives. The social l<strong>and</strong>scape has<br />

changed drastically during the past quarter century,<br />

with significant implications for conservation.<br />

The relationship of most Runa communities<br />

to their environment has been irrevocably altered<br />

by development pressures <strong>and</strong> extensive deforestation<br />

that have tied indigenous people more<br />

closely to a market economy. Simultaneously,<br />

the changing policy terrain has incorporated even<br />

remote communities into the national legal structure.<br />

In order to conserve the resource base<br />

indigenous people have depended on for generations,<br />

new economic models—ones that build on<br />

an extensive traditional knowledge <strong>and</strong> practice<br />

of forest management—must be created.<br />

As PUMAREN showed, that will require new<br />

governance structures. The federations that have<br />

played such an important part in protecting<br />

indigenous rights <strong>and</strong> resources have also added<br />

new layers to the regional social structure.

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