Indigenous Peoples and Conservation Organizations

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The Ju/’hoan in Namibia 117 inhabited predominately by tribal peoples like the Ju/’hoan who practice “communal” rather than private ownership. The Nyae Nyae area extends through what is currently known as the Tsumkwe District of the eastern Otjozondjupa Region. Throughout the changing administrative structures of the past two decades, an authority of central government responsible for wildlife management has been based in Tsumkwe, and MET maintains a significant presence and some decision-making authority there today. Traditionally the Ju/’hoan are organized as bands of individuals centered on and supported by the resources of a n!ore (singular form of n!oresi). During the 1980s some Ju/’hoan began a “back to the land” movement, leaving Tsumkwe to return to their n!oresi to reestablish occupancy rights. Today there are about 32 decentralized communities in Nyae Nyae, each with a water source (usually a well with a windmill), corrals for protecting small herds of cattle, and small agricultural fields/gardens. The communities range in size from a dozen to 150 people. An extended family group is headed by a n!ore kxao (plural—kxaosi), or “steward of shared resources” that include water, small game, and wild foods. Group members select the n!ore kxao, either a man or a woman, from among their elders. The Ju/’hoan see some resources as “common” beyond family, in which case two or more n!oresi kxaosi jointly undertake decision making (see figure 7.1). All game and natural water points are deemed common property, as are some wild foods, including mangetti nuts, marula nuts, and morama beans (=Oma and /Aice 1996). N!ore kxaosi have been known to jointly agree to a moratorium on certain species within their hunting grounds to avoid depletion. The Ju/’hoan culture of equality and tolerance has always favored decision making by consensus rather than by individual leaders. When such leaders do arise, their authority stems from how well they uphold the values of the society. Leadership is based on experience and wisdom, and leaders are generally older community members. Historically, men and women have had equal stature since gathering tasks were as critical as hunting was to group survival. As the Ju/’hoan became more integrated into the larger economy with the introduction of cattle and agricultural crops, women have lost some prestige and their social position has changed. The traditional egalitarianism and tolerance inherent in Ju/’hoan values tends to prevent a concentration of power. As in many other hunter-gatherer societies, there is a lack of hierarchical structure for decision making. Even the idea of representation—one person speaking for another—is unfamiliar, though less so among younger, more educated members of the community. As one person stated, “Each of us is a headman over himself” (Lee 1993). This makes it difficult for the Ju/’hoan to exercise their rights within the governmental framework of the country. The Traditional Authorities Act of 1996 provides for one “traditional leader” and one to three councilors, based on population, to represent a community at the central government level. The Ju/’hoan have no single individual to represent them in this way. A key feature of the past 15 years has been the slow emergence of legitimate and effective organizational structures among the Ju/’hoan to deal with the outside world (see figure 7.2). The Ju/Wa Farmers Union was started in 1986 as the back-to-the-land movement gathered steam. By late 1988, with the number of n!oresi increasing rapidly and with a growing need to facilitate applications for legal recognition in the soon-to-be-independent Namibia, awareness grew that the organization needed to formalize and institutionalize its structure and leadership. The union drafted a set of statutes to establish a representative organization governed by a council. Each n!ore would choose a male and a female representative to sit on the Representative Council, which would select individuals to communicate with outsiders and would meet at least every six months to provide feedback to and from the community. The Ju/Wa Farmers Union further tightened its structure and became the NNFC in 1990 when a development program took shape with funding from international donors and support from a Namibian nongovernmental organization (NGO). Members of the NNFC Representative Council elected a chairperson, a secretary, and one representative from each of the three districts of Nyae Nyae to form a management committee and supervise day-to-day program services. Megan
118 The Ju/’hoan in Namibia Figure 7.1 Common Property Resources in Nyae Nyae N!ore N!ore N!ore N!ore N!ore N!ore Wildlife: may be resident or migratory Hunting Area: always shared between more than one N!ore Wildlife movements Veld Food Gathering Area: Including tubers, roots, berries, etc. Indigenous Fruit Tree Area: may be an individual tree or grove A N!ore is roughly equal to a village or farm. Rights to live in or use the resources of a N!ore are inherited at birth or gained through marriage. N!oresi resources are managed by a N!ore Kxao or “owner” who makes desisions in consultation with the other residents of his or her N!ore. Resource areas can be “owned” by one N!ore or they may be shared between several. Rights to use the resources owned by another N!ore may be shared, but only when permission is given by the N!ore Kxao. Hunting or gathering without permission is considered “stealing,” and was traditionally punishable by death. Adapted from =Oma and /Aice 1996 Biesele (1994), an anthropologist and longtime colleague of the NNFC, describes this period as “the application of an international stereotype of leadership and community management in…a long and subtle process.” The new structures were essentially imported models created to meet expectations that did not originate locally. Wyckoff-Baird (1996) adds, “The early approach focused on the products of democratization (i.e., creating representative institutions) rather than on the process of democratization (i.e., indigenous people defining and achieving their own appropriate models).” The project to establish and run a conservancy with the assistance of the LIFE Program eventually helped to narrow this gap. 2.3 Conservancy and Tenure The indigenous people of Nyae Nyae have fought long for recognition of their traditional tenure system. Several factors have complicated the battle since national independence. Until recently there was no national legislation detailing communal land and resource rights. The Namibian Constitution recognizes some land rights by infer-
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iv Acknowledgments The editors woul
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PART ONE: INTRODUCTION
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CHAPTER 3 Indigenous Federations an
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The Runa in Ecuador 23 Loreto Chont
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The Runa in Ecuador 25 Lower elevat
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The Runa in Ecuador 27 Figure 3.1 I
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The Runa in Ecuador 29 game animals
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The Runa in Ecuador 31 Table 3.2 Pr
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The Runa in Ecuador 33 Pacto Sumaco
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The Runa in Ecuador 35 DINAF and it
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The Runa in Ecuador 37 agement cost
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The Runa in Ecuador 39 Ultimately t
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The Runa in Ecuador 41 small or lar
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The Runa in Ecuador 43 However, it
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The Runa in Ecuador 45 References B
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CHAPTER 4 Lessons in Collaboration:
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