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Indigenous Peoples and Conservation Organizations

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126 The Ju/’hoan in Namibia<br />

board membership to 5 women <strong>and</strong> 12 men.<br />

Since the Representative Council meetings<br />

seemed to involve in decision making only the 70<br />

or so people attending them, the board decided it<br />

would be better to hold the meeting once rather<br />

than twice yearly, <strong>and</strong> to use the savings to<br />

engage more community members directly. An<br />

annual general meeting, open to all residents,<br />

would be held each May or June. 4<br />

None of these procedural steps, however,<br />

addressed lingering doubts in the community<br />

about the proposal for a conservancy. Most<br />

people had responded positively, but some<br />

feared that the idea was a ruse to exp<strong>and</strong> the<br />

game reserve <strong>and</strong> evict local people. An<br />

exchange visit in March 1996 that allowed<br />

NNFC leadership <strong>and</strong> rangers to talk to the people<br />

implementing the CAMPFIRE Program, a<br />

similar effort in Zimbabwe, proved to be an<br />

important turning point.<br />

The most encouraging lesson was that the<br />

CAMPFIRE Program had a five-year track<br />

record of providing benefits from game management<br />

that local residents were using for projects<br />

they had identified as priorities. As one<br />

Zimbabwean told a Namibian counterpart, “We<br />

also didn’t believe the program would work. We<br />

didn’t think we could trust the Department of<br />

National Parks <strong>and</strong> didn’t underst<strong>and</strong> how we<br />

would benefit. Now we have a community center,<br />

a small store, <strong>and</strong> an electric fence to protect<br />

our crops from elephants. The elephants are paying<br />

for our development.” The Ju/’hoan visitors<br />

were also impressed with the participatory planning<br />

of the various CAMPFIRE projects, <strong>and</strong><br />

agreed to undertake a similar planning effort in<br />

their own community to identify its priorities.<br />

While the apparent success of CAMPFIRE was<br />

reassuring, some of the things they saw <strong>and</strong> heard<br />

raised concern among the Namibians. Most<br />

importantly, they wondered about the lack of feedback<br />

channels between decision makers on management<br />

committees <strong>and</strong> the community at large.<br />

Community meetings were not apparent, <strong>and</strong><br />

many residents complained about being uninformed.<br />

The fact is that the communities, including<br />

the decision makers, were excluded from some<br />

information channels. The Department of<br />

National Parks, for example, controlled wildlife<br />

monitoring <strong>and</strong> set the quotas. The Ju/’hoan<br />

became more convinced than ever of the importance<br />

of community rangers. Unless they completed<br />

their patrols thoroughly <strong>and</strong> transmitted the<br />

results accurately, the Ju/’hoan would lack the<br />

independent information needed to make management<br />

decisions <strong>and</strong> convince others to honor them.<br />

When they returned home, NNFC leaders took<br />

their message to the community in a series of local<br />

meetings. There they attested to their belief that<br />

the conservancy was the right path to follow, <strong>and</strong><br />

through the new structures of communication the<br />

community gave them the go-ahead to proceed.<br />

3.3 The Community as Effective<br />

Stakeholder (1996–1998)<br />

The LIFE Program had taken an “empowerment”<br />

approach to participation by the Ju/’hoan for two<br />

interrelated reasons. First, the community could<br />

not manage its resources over the long-term without<br />

effective organization. Second, it would not<br />

get the opportunity to do so unless it could alter<br />

the prevailing pattern that favored the concentration<br />

of power in the h<strong>and</strong>s of external actors.<br />

Aided by the change in legislation, it became possible<br />

to move forward on both fronts. Establishing<br />

a conservancy would require the community to<br />

demonstrate it could formulate a management plan<br />

<strong>and</strong> had the means to carry it out. In doing so it<br />

would begin the process of realigning power relations<br />

so that the Ju/’hoan were on more equal<br />

footing with the other stakeholders in the area.<br />

Parliament set the bar for establishing a conservancy<br />

<strong>and</strong> specified requirements that had to be<br />

met (Aribeb 1996). There had to be clear physical<br />

boundaries that neighbors accepted <strong>and</strong><br />

respected. The people living within the conservancy<br />

had to define its membership, <strong>and</strong> there<br />

had to be a plan for equitable distribution of<br />

benefits. A representative body, accountable to<br />

the community, had to be in charge of running<br />

the conservancy, <strong>and</strong> it had to demonstrate commitment<br />

to <strong>and</strong> capacity for sustainable wildlife<br />

management. Before a conservancy could be<br />

legally established, MET had to certify an offtake<br />

quota, <strong>and</strong> the governor of the region had to<br />

approve the boundaries.<br />

To prepare the ground for final approval, the<br />

LIFE Program pursued two strategies. First, both<br />

directly <strong>and</strong> by supporting the efforts of the institutional<br />

consultant, the program provided skills,

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