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Indigenous Peoples and Conservation Organizations

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The Runa in Ecuador 39<br />

Ultimately the uneasy alliance splintered, <strong>and</strong><br />

Huahua Sumaco moved ahead on its own with a<br />

redesigned project on a smaller scale. The community<br />

succeeded in obtaining use of the carpentry<br />

equipment (officially owned by FOIN). They<br />

reorganized activities to focus on interested individual<br />

community members who were made<br />

responsible for, <strong>and</strong> would benefit directly from,<br />

different forestry activities, including care of the<br />

mules used to haul wood out <strong>and</strong> the processing<br />

of what had been extracted. To gain experience<br />

<strong>and</strong> benefit the community, participants decided<br />

to produce wood for local housing <strong>and</strong> to construct<br />

crates for selling their naranjilla fruit<br />

crops. Some individuals planned to sell boards,<br />

milled with a chain saw, on the local market.<br />

The lowl<strong>and</strong> communities, however, were stalled<br />

since they had no support to finish their management<br />

plans or revise them midstream. Chonta<br />

Cocha, frustrated by these combined setbacks,<br />

decided to withdraw. Amazonas continues to wait<br />

for the situation to improve, but has not figured<br />

out how to reduce the scale of activities from the<br />

ambitious plan villagers originally approved.<br />

One institution has partially filled the gap left<br />

by the departure of WWF <strong>and</strong> CS. The Gran<br />

Sumaco Project, which is establishing the national<br />

park, has provided limited funding <strong>and</strong> technical<br />

assistance. However, until recently its activities<br />

have been planned <strong>and</strong> carried out directly with<br />

communities <strong>and</strong> not with the federation. In the<br />

initial phase of park consolidation, Gran Sumaco<br />

has worked with three upl<strong>and</strong> communities in the<br />

buffer zone of protected forests, including Huahua<br />

Sumaco. It has carried out socioeconomic studies<br />

<strong>and</strong> provided broad support to communities in<br />

agriculture <strong>and</strong> agroforestry, <strong>and</strong> limited support<br />

to the forestry enterprise. There are no activities<br />

in the lowl<strong>and</strong> zone. Although support to FOIN<br />

has recently resumed, initial activities were carried<br />

out by hiring individual PUMAREN team<br />

members, whom the federation could no longer<br />

pay, to provide technical assistance to buffer-zone<br />

communities <strong>and</strong> to train as park guards.<br />

IV. Building Effective<br />

Partnerships—Lessons in Scale<br />

Although the PUMAREN project fell short of<br />

expectations, what happened must be understood<br />

in the context of an evolving effort to build relationships<br />

that achieve conservation through sustainable<br />

resource management. It is rich in lessons<br />

at three levels, with implications that stretch<br />

beyond Sumaco to include the whole region.<br />

4.1 The Role of Federations in Community<br />

Enterprises<br />

Some of the problems of PUMAREN can be<br />

traced to internal contradictions at the core of the<br />

federation <strong>and</strong> its relationship with member communities.<br />

The LETIMAREN phase of the project<br />

went smoothly, but l<strong>and</strong> titling <strong>and</strong> surveying<br />

communities to voice their interests politically<br />

were activities familiar to FOIN <strong>and</strong> within its<br />

traditional scope of operations. Serious contradictions<br />

only began to surface during the project’s<br />

second phase, when the focus switched to<br />

developing economic projects.<br />

FOIN knew that action was needed, not only to<br />

maintain tenure <strong>and</strong> benefit member communities,<br />

but to strengthen the federation’s autonomy.<br />

Since its inception, FOIN has required foundation<br />

funds to carry out its work <strong>and</strong> has struggled<br />

with the dependency that resulted. The leadership<br />

believed it was necessary to find ways to<br />

increase their financial independence if they were<br />

to set priorities <strong>and</strong> keep the strategic agenda<br />

from being distorted. Two possibilities existed.<br />

One was that communities could pay fees to the<br />

federation in recognition of its services. This<br />

could occur through membership dues or through<br />

remittance of a portion of the gains from community<br />

projects. However, the communities had<br />

never been willing to support the federation in<br />

this way. A second possibility was for the federation<br />

to become directly involved in economic<br />

activities <strong>and</strong> earn a financial return. Some of<br />

the leadership, however, feared that transforming<br />

FOIN into an economic entity could undermine<br />

its political independence. They also feared that<br />

an independent economic structure for community<br />

projects would take on a life of its own that<br />

might eventually undermine the federation itself.<br />

As a result, the PUMAREN team never received<br />

a clear m<strong>and</strong>ate. It was conceived as a technical<br />

arm of the federation that would work directly<br />

with communities to develop economic alternatives.<br />

However, such a unit could play a variety<br />

of roles. It could 1) build networks to broker<br />

marketing, funding, etc.; 2) provide communities

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