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Indigenous Peoples and Conservation Organizations

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80 The Sirionó in Bolivia<br />

bartering goods for chickens or for honey when it<br />

is available. Domesticated animals are rarely<br />

eaten but are held in reserve as a source of emergency<br />

cash. Some community members own a<br />

horse or two <strong>and</strong> a few cattle, or keep saddle<br />

oxen to get around during the rainy season.<br />

Finding outside work to earn cash is not difficult.<br />

Most surrounding ranches hire Sirionó<br />

men as cowh<strong>and</strong>s or as day labor for building<br />

fences or clearing l<strong>and</strong>. A cowh<strong>and</strong> takes his<br />

family to the ranch that employs him, leaving<br />

behind children still in grade school to board<br />

with other families. About one-third of outside<br />

work is on cattle ranches, while agriculture <strong>and</strong><br />

construction split another third (CIDDEBENI<br />

1996). The remaining third comes from work in<br />

sawmills, palm heart factories, <strong>and</strong> assorted<br />

other activities. There is also the beginning of<br />

an internal labor market from the influx of NGO<br />

projects <strong>and</strong> the creation of a municipal district.<br />

At times the heavy dem<strong>and</strong> for certain skilled<br />

people requires the Sirionó to hire others to help<br />

tend their garden plots.<br />

Yet despite these activities the Sirionó still consider<br />

themselves to be hunters, <strong>and</strong> leadership is<br />

still linked to hunting prowess. The hunting has<br />

changed considerably, however. No longer do<br />

the Sirionó employ the world’s longest bows <strong>and</strong><br />

arrows as described by Holmberg. Now more<br />

than half the game is killed by firearms, <strong>and</strong><br />

three-quarters is taken using weapons unavailable<br />

before Columbus. Although fishing is still<br />

secondary, it is a regular source of protein for<br />

some families. Boys spend afternoons using<br />

hook <strong>and</strong> line to bring in 5 to 10 kilograms of as<br />

many as 50 small fish. This may soon be a<br />

memory, however, because the road dike constructed<br />

across the nearby lake blocked flows<br />

<strong>and</strong> is building up sediment. What was once<br />

open water is becoming a peat bog.<br />

During 1991–1992, hunting supplied over twothirds<br />

of the animal protein in the Sirionó diet<br />

(Townsend 1995, 1996). Wildlife comes from<br />

both savanna <strong>and</strong> forest. If one considers all the<br />

fish as savanna products, approximately 100 kilograms<br />

per square kilometer per year are extracted<br />

from this habitat. In addition to fish, the considerable<br />

harvest of savanna biomass includes marsh<br />

deer, nine-b<strong>and</strong>ed armadillo (Dasypus novemcinctus),<br />

gray brocket deer (Mazama gouazoubira),<br />

<strong>and</strong> various marsh birds. In a year, the<br />

Sirionó extract 134 kilograms per square kilometer<br />

of game from the forest, including tapir, two<br />

species of peccary, red <strong>and</strong> gray brocket deer,<br />

coatimundi, <strong>and</strong> two large rodents, the paca <strong>and</strong><br />

the agouti. Hunting is practiced year-round <strong>and</strong><br />

harvest composition varies seasonally. Over 90<br />

percent of game biomass taken in 1991–1992<br />

was mammalian, <strong>and</strong> 75 percent of that came<br />

from ungulates. If the extracted biomass is averaged<br />

across the population of Ibiato, it averages<br />

about 55 grams of protein per capita daily. This<br />

corresponds to the average daily intake of wild<br />

animal protein by other Latin American indigenous<br />

groups, which has been estimated at 59<br />

grams per capita (Townsend 1995, 1996). It is<br />

also nearly three times the recommended adult<br />

minimum daily allowance of 20 grams of protein<br />

(FAO/WHO 1973).<br />

Game harvests have fallen in recent years, perhaps<br />

because the number of domesticated animals,<br />

overseas food-aid efforts, <strong>and</strong> jobs from the<br />

influx of NGO projects have risen. But it is the<br />

decline in game supply reported by Sirionó<br />

hunters that has sparked interest in producing a<br />

wildlife management plan. That interest dovetails<br />

with the desire to earn income, since the<br />

Sirionó also sell skins <strong>and</strong> hides when there is a<br />

buyer. One game hunt has been monitored<br />

(Stearman <strong>and</strong> Redford 1992), <strong>and</strong> the harvest<br />

was judged to be sustainable.<br />

The Sirionó also harvest various wild honeys produced<br />

by the native meliponid bees. They have<br />

an elaborate identification system for 15 different<br />

bee types based on the taste of their honeys<br />

(Montaño 1996). Although most are too acidic<br />

for sweetening, each honey has a medicinal use.<br />

The Sirionó barter the honey in Ibiato but prefer<br />

to sell it in Trinidad, where the women offer it<br />

door to door for higher prices. The revenues are<br />

used to buy household utensils, school supplies,<br />

oil, sugar, flour, <strong>and</strong> other necessities.<br />

There is also some interest in marketing crafts.<br />

Some of the women fashion simple necklaces of<br />

seeds, feathers, <strong>and</strong> porcupine quills to sell in<br />

Trinidad <strong>and</strong> also to the numerous visitors to<br />

Ibiato. Traditionally women have made string<br />

hammocks from Cecropia fibers, but the<br />

women’s club has learned how to weave hammocks<br />

<strong>and</strong> some members are now producing<br />

them. Sirionó baskets—usually rudimentary <strong>and</strong><br />

unfinished—are not an inspiring tourist item.

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